LEON A. JAKOBOVITS (Ph. D., McGill University) is currently an Associate Professor of Psychology and Communications at the Center for Comparative Psycholinguistics at the University of Illinois. He has taught at Laval University and is the Co-Director of the Centre for Comparative Psycholinguistics at Illinois. He is a member of the American Psychological Association, the International Council of Psychologists, and the Linguistic Society of America. He has published articles in the International Journal of Psychology and the Journal of Special Education. He is also the co-editor of Reading in the Psychology of Language, published by Prentice-Hall in 1967.
* Based on a report prepared by Leon A. Jakobovits for the Liberal Arts School Committee on the Foreign Language Requirement, University of Illinois, Urbana, 29 May 1968.
The purpose of this report is to outline some major issues in foreign language teaching today, issues that bear upon the current, profession-wide examination of FL requirements. This report does not attempt to give a general review of the literature on FL learning and teaching; instead, it relies on previous extensive reviews (see References), taking them s the staring point, and it attempts to outline those principal conclusions which seemed to have the most empirical justification. The report is organized into six segments:
1. Teaching Methods in FL Instruction.
2. The Case for FL Aptitude.
3. The Attainment of FL Proficiency.
4. The Effects of Motivation and Interest
in FL Learning
5. The Goals and Benefits of FL Study.
6. Recommended Changes in FL Requirements.
Two theoretical approaches take up most of the attention
of language teachers today. One, the habit-skill approach, views
language behavior as a chain of habit units, the main problem in teaching
being defined as making these habit chains automatic. The other,
the rule-governed grammar approach, views language competence as the ability
to generate nobel utterances on the basis of finite set of rules, the main
problem in teaching being the impartation of an adequate knowledge of these
rules. The habit-skill approach emphasizes oral practice techniques
with a minimum of explanation of grammatical rules (such as repetitive
sentence pattern drills). The generative approach discounts the usefulness
of traditional concepts in learning theory such as practice, conditioning,
reinforcement, and concentrates instead on arranging the linguistic input
to the learner in a way that would maximally facilitate his acquisition
of structural patterns and rules. It should be made clear that emphasis
on rules and structure of the generative approach is not to be confused
with the traditional (now archaic, except perhaps for the teaching of Latin)
approach of the so-called grammar-translation method, which attempted to
impart to the student a knowledge of the formal grammatical distinctions
between his native language and the target language. In the generative
approach, the structure and rules of the target language are imparted inductively
with out the use of a formal meta-language and without translation exercises.
Both the generative approach and the habit-skill approach may make use
of modern linguistic theory on the nature and structure of language relying
on generative transformational theory and contrastive analysis. Both
tend give greater emphasis to speaking and understanding, but the extent
to which reading and writing skills are also taught varies greatly within
either approach.
The debate on the relative merits of the two approaches, which
occupies a significant share of the tension of FL teachers and applied
linguists in their deliberations at conferences and literature, is not
nearly of academic interest. The polemic character of the debate
is kept alive by two disturbing aspects FL teaching today: one is the wide-spread
dissatisfaction expressed by both students and teachers with the repetitive
pattern drills required by the habit-skill approach, which makes the former
feel like idiots and the latter more like drill masters than teachers.
The other reason has to do with distinct malaise that came to permeate
the ranks of FL teachers upon the realization that the level of proficiency
attained by a large, if not major, proportion of public school and college
FL students is disappointingly poor. Given this situation, it is
necessary to examine in some detail the nature of the arguments in this
debate.
Some standard arguments were recently outlined in a critique
by Bernard Spolsky (1996) of the Linguistic department at New Mexico.
He summarizes the major assumptions upon which the habit-skill method is
based:
1. FL learning is a mechanical process of habit
formation.
2. Habits are strengthened by reinforcement.
3. Language is behavior made up of habit sequences
at the phonemic, morphological, lexical and
syntactic levels.
4. Repetition, practice, and reinforcement
of units and their concatenation are effective ways of
developing language
performance.
These principles are said to be derived Harvard psychologist Skinner’s
behavior theory. Skinner’s (1957) major attempt to apply the principles
of behavior originally derived from work with rats and pigeons to the language
behavior of humans has been persuasively demolished by Chomsky (1959) in
his review of Skinner’s book Verbal Behavior. In this review, Chomsky
shows that the operational concepts in Skinner’s theory of verbal behavior
are gratuitous extensions from his work on animal behavior and lose their
explanatory power completely when applied in the context of human verbal
behavior. For example the concept of “response strength”- his basic
measure of learning- is defined in the work with rats as number of bar
presses in a box rigged to deliver pellets of food upon depression of a
level by the animal. In the pigeon, response strength is equated
with number of pecks. But what is it in language behavior?
Frequency of emission of words, rate of speech units, intensity of vocal
response, and the like, have been proposed but all these are clearly inadequate
(think of the absurdity of the conclusion that a language known less well
when it is whispered-low response strength- than when it is shouted!).
Another example concerns the concept of “control,” which is said to be
the end result of the learning process, viz., when a particular “response”
is “brought under the control” of a particular “stimulus” through the consequences
of the response (i.e. reinforcement). These processes which have
operational meaning in the animal laboratory (e.g. stimulus = a light,
response = bar press, control = presence of bar press when light is on,
reinforcement = pellet of rat food), lose their specificity and become
completely obscure in language behavior and can be said to apply to this
new area only by analogy and metaphor, hence devoid of scientific explanatory
value (think of what might be the “stimulus” of an utterance, in what sense
an utterance is a "response," and by what means can one say that one "controls"
the other through what reward). Yet it is precisely these specific
tenuous extensions upon which the habit-skill method of language teaching
is said to be based by its proponents (see Rivers, 1964).
With respect to the role of repetition and practice,
recent investigations of natural language acquisition in children clearly
show that overt practice on specific grammatical examples carries little
or no weight in "implanting responses" and that "imitation" of novel grammatical
forms occurs infrequently (for a detailed discussion of this argument see
Jakobovits, 1968). Thus these concepts (repetitive practice, implanting
of responses, imitation), cherished and carried to the ultimate in repetitive
pattern drills, have only the most tenuous scientific justification.
The habit-skill approach to FL teaching curiously rests its justification
on a sequentially controlled model of language, despite the fact that such
an approach has been clearly refuted in both psychological (see Lashley,
1951) and linguistic (see Chomsky, 1957) literature.
It is important to consider the implications of
the above critique for a new development in FL teaching, namely programmed
instruction. Several instructional programs are now commercially
available in the form of language texts for French, Spanish, and German.
The invention of programmed instruction is attributed to Skinner (the "father
of teaching machines"), and the basic scientific justification upon which
this new technique rests is similarly related to the principles of behavior
he developed in his work with animals. All the difficulties discussed
above apply here with equal force, but there is even an added complication:
programmed instruction requires the isolation of "units" which compose
the competence to be taught or the knowledge to be acquired. It has
been clearly shown (Chomsky, 1965; Lenneberg 1967, and many others) that
the significant knowledge a user of a language has to acquire does not
constitute "units" but patterns and relations. This holds true for
all levels of linguistic analysis: phonological, semantic, syntactic, and
morphological. For example, recent research has shown that a phoneme
is not a physically distinct acoustic unit: it cannot be taught as a "unit,"
only as a class of variable phones which have certain relations to each
other as well as to other classes of phones. Similarly, one cannot
acquire "true" language competence by learning specific grammatical patterns
as "units" since the number of sentence patterns understood by a native
speaker is infinitely variable-one cannot seriously hope to teach true
language competence by mechanical mastery over a limited number of sentence
patterns.
However weak the theoretical position of the habit-skill
approach may be, one can nevertheless inquire as to its comparative effectiveness
to that of the generative rule or grammar approach. Numerous studies
in the last twenty-five years or so have attempted to resolve the issue
of effectiveness of various methods of FL teaching, none of which has been
adequate enough to permit any definitive conclusions. The reason
for this disappointing state of affairs is that it is practically unfeasible
to vary one element of instruction experimentally without at the same time
modifying the effects of other elements in an unknown manner. Hence,
as in all complex educational problems, it is perhaps unwise to expect
a scientific assessment of language teaching methods. In a recently
completed extensive project carried out at the University of Colorado by
Scherer and Wertheimer (1964), an ambitious attempt was made to compare
the effectiveness of two different instructional programs for teaching
German in college: one approach emphasized audiolingual skills while the
other method emphasized reading and writing. At the end of one year
of instruction, the audiolingual group was found to be "far superior" in
speaking and listening skills, while the more traditionally trained group
was "significantly better" in reading and writing. During the second
year, the two groups were merged and given common course instruction.
At the end of the year, the first group was better speaking while the second
group was better at writing, neither of them differing in listening and
reading. The authors concluded that "the two methods, while yielding
occasionally strong and persisting differences in carious aspects of proficiency
in German, result in comparable overall efficiency." The results
of this and several other studies of the same scope reviewed by Carroll
(1966, 1965) lead him to “the rather commonplace conclusion that by and
large, students learn (if anything) precisely what they are taught” (1965,
p. 22).
Many other experiments of lesser scope have been carried out
in attempts to evaluate relative effectiveness of various methods of teaching
phonology, grammar, and vocabulary, but it is not within the purview of
this report to give an evaluation of these attempts. The interested
person is referred to the review by Carroll (1966). Attention is
brought to recent efforts to develop self-instructional programs, especially
to the work of Valdman (1964), who has proposed the idea of giving college
students FL credit proportionate to their level of achievement rather than
to the amount of time they spend taking courses. Carroll is very
optimistic about the possibilities of such a program: “It is evident that
self-instructional programs in foreign languages are not only perfectly
feasible but also highly effective-more effective, in general, than conventional
teacher-taught courses. When used by sufficiently well-motivated
students, they can produce high levels of attainment in all four skills
of language learning-speaking and writing as well as listening as reading”
(Carroll, 1966, pp. 27-28). It should be made clear that the effectiveness
of programed self-instruction has not been adequately assessed for the
general college population. It is known that individuals with different
aptitudes and rates of learning require adjustment in learning programs
and the technical problems involved in adjusting FL self-instruction programs
to the individual learner have not been worked out
In order to be able to evaluate the manner in which learner characteristics, such as aptitude and motivation, interact with methods of instruction, it is necessary to consider the definitions for certain terms that will be used in this discussion. These definitions are based on Carroll (1963a).
Learning: a task to be acquired; performing
an act which previously could not be accomplished;
understanding a concept previously not understood.
Transfer: when something learned in
situation A also manifests itself in situation B because of the
inferred commonality between the two situations. (The elements in
common are often
not specified or even understood.)
Learning time: amount of time spent
on the act of learning. (Not to be confused with elapsed
time which includes such activities as sitting at the desk dreaming, “wasting
time:
looking for a book or pencil, etc.)
Aptitude: learning time under best
teaching conditions; the shorter the learning time the higher the
inferred aptitude. (Note that for a difficult task combined with
a low aptitude, learning
time may be indefinitely long.) Aptitude is specific to tasks and
depends on possession
of certain characteristics by the learner. These characteristics
may be either genetic
(innate) or they may be dependent upon prior learning or exposure to certain
situations.
Ability to understand instructions:
this is conceived of as dependent upon two factors: general
intelligence and verbal ability. The first enters into the ability
of the learner to infer the concepts and relationships needed
for the task-especially when these are not carefully spelled
out (which, one might add, is the usual situation in any
complex learning task). The second comes into play in the
understanding of the language used in the instructions.
Quality of instruction: the extent
to which it is made clear to the learner what it is he is
supposed to be learning. (Note that this refers to highly specific
elements within the overall learning task. Thus, telling the learner
that he
is supposed to acquire “ a reading knowledge of this FL” says absolutely
nothing about what he is supposed to be learning: does he begin by
learning the “writing system,” “vocabulary items” (which ones?),
sentence patterns, phonology (how?), etc. Even in sub-tasks such
as
listening comprehension, the learner is confronted with the problem of
just what he is supposed to be paying attention to: phonemic contrasts,
segmentation, contour, grammatical relations, etc.- It is evident
that
“quality of instruction” deals with such highly complex (and unsolved)
problems as the identification of relevant contrasts, their sequencing,
the
amount of exposure needed at each level, and so on. It should also
be
noted that, as defined here, quality of instruction does not have an
absolute criterion but relates to the learner's point of view, viz., whether
or not the task has been made clear to him. His aptitude,
previous
knowledge, and ability to understand instructions will influence the
specific requirements for making it clear what he is supposed to be
learning. It follows that "a standard" method of instruction which
does
not vary with the learner's characteristics could not be of high quality.
Perseverance: the time learner is willing
to spend in learning to a specified criterion. (This
definition may not be quite adequate since a learner may "be willing" but
"is
unable" due to distraction, frustration, etc. However, to resolve
this issue one
would have to go into a discussion of the type, Is he really "willing"
when he
"allows himself" to be distracted? etc.-a type of discussion which
would take us
too far afield from the central purpose of this report.)
Opportunity to learn: the learning time allowed
by the method of instruction and the
environmental conditions. (Applies to sub-steps as well ass to the
overall
task.)
We have now considered the definitions of all the concepts, stated or implied, required in the following formula given by Carroll:
The numerator in this equation will be equal to whichever of the following
three terms is smallest: opportunity to learn, perseverance, instruction
and ability to understand instructions.
The problem to which this report is addressed concerns,
of course, a review of the factors that enter into an evaluation of the
degree of learning of FLs in the school situation, in particular the college
or university. The discussion in the previous section on methods
of instruction is particularly relevant to two concepts implied in the
equation: quality of instruction and opportunity to learn. The next
section on the measurement of proficiency deals with a specification of
the criterion to be achieved, which has not been dealt with so far.
The fourth section on motivation will deal with perseverance as defined
here. The rest of the present section will deal with the remaining
two concepts implied in the equation: the ability to understand instructions
and aptitude.
It is known that the acquisition of any learning
task is influenced by what has come to be called a "general intelligence
factor." As defined here, ability to understand instructions is a
joint consequence of this general intelligence factor and verbal ability.
The challenge involved in developing programmed instruction can be viewed
as an attempt to reduce the limiting effect of the general intelligence
factor by sequencing the learning task in sufficiently small and clear
steps so that the learner doesn't have to depend on his ability to guess
just what he is supposed to be learning. It is this feature rather
than its purported relation to Skinner's behavior theory that makes this
new development such an exciting prospect. But the "state of the
art" in programmed instruction, particularly in FL teaching, is at such
a crude level that the learner's general intelligence remains an important
limiting factor in degree of learning. It is not surprising, therefore,
that grades obtained in FL courses correlate with grades obtained in other
school subjects. In a survey conducted in 1965 at the University
of Illinois (Flaugher, 1967) involving the grades in nine fields for all
entering freshmen, the interrelations at the end of the first semester
of work ranged from .18 to .66 with mean of .38. Intercorrelations
involving FL grades ranged from .34 (with Speech) to .51 (with Natural
Science) with a mean of .42. This last figure is of the same order
as that found by other surveys (see Pimsleur, Sunland, and McIntyre, 1964).
These figures indicate that, while general intelligence is a contributing
factor to success in courses, it accounts for only a modest proportion
of the variance in success (a correlation of .42 accounts for 18% of the
variance, leaving 82% of the variance to be accounted for by other factors).
Indeed, as is well known, many students who obtain high grades generally
do very badly in their FL course, and vice versa. This has led many
to postulate "a special talent" for FL study. During World War II
the U.S. government became involved in FL training programs designed to
impart a "practical speaking knowledge" of many FLs to personnel assigned
to overseas duties of a diplomatic, military, and paramilitary nature.
These programs, known as "intensive FL training programs," apart from their
costliness, were associated with a sense of wartime urgency which lead
to efforts of selection of trainees to "weed out" from the beginning those
persons who had insufficient talent to complete the intensive program successfully.
These initial attempts at prediction of success in FL study found that
the best predictor of success in an intensive program was the student's
performance in an intensive trial course that usually lasted three to four
weeks (Carroll, 1965). On the basis of this experience, tables of
expectations of success were developed, one of which is presented here
as Table 1 (p. 454).
The table appears in Cleveland, Mangone, and Adams
(1960, pp. 250-251) and estimates the time requirements (in months) for
FL achievement in intensive programs for individuals with "high" and "average"
aptitude. Three levels of proficiency are defined as follows:
Level I: "Sufficient proficiency in speaking
a foreign language to satisfy routine travel
requirements."
Level II: "Basic familiarity with the structure
of a language with sufficient proficiency in speaking
to conduct routine business within a particular field. Sufficient
familiarity with the
writing systems to read simple material with the aid of a dictionary."
Level III: "Fluency and accuracy in speaking
with sufficient vocabulary to meet any ordinary
requirements which do not involve the speaker in a technical subject outside
his own
specialty. Ability to read newspapers and documents with limited
reference to a
dictionary." The time estimates are further divided into three degrees
of intensiveness
of the program: "1 Class Hour" refers to one hour of instruction per day
supplemented
by "2-3 hours of drill and study." This "low" level of intensiveness
is not considered
practical as an intensive program to go beyond Level I. (Note, however,
that it is far
more than the usual college FL course.) The target languages to be
learned are
divided into four groups. The "easiest" in terms of time requirement
(for native
Americans) include the most frequently taught FLs in American schools (Spanish,
French, German) but also include languages that few college students normally
think of
taking (Dutch, Danish, Swedish). The next group of languages in terms
of difficulty
includes Russion, which is becoming more popular, and Modern Breek, as
well as
more "exotic" languages such as Persian and Hungarian. The most difficult
languages
for Americans are the "Asian" varieties including Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese,
and
Thai, but also Arabic. The difficulties involved in mastering the
writing system of
these languages (at Level III) add a very appreciable amount to the time
requirements.
The superiority of the "high aptitude" individual
over persons with "average aptitude" can be seen to be considerable (people
with "low aptitude" are not considered capable of attaining any significant
level of achievement under the time requirements of an intensive program).
For the easiest languages, the "high" aptitude person can attain Level
III proficiency in one-half to two-thirds the time needed for the "average"
aptitude individual. For the difficult languages, the time is between
20% and 33% faster. Carroll (1960) estimates that only one-third
of the general population in the U.S. has a sufficiently high degree of
FL aptitude to complete successfully intensive language training programs
designed on the order of 400 hours of study (a four-year high school FL
program represents on the order of 600 hours of study).
As aptitude was defined earlier in this section,
it is clear that a low level of aptitude can be compensated for (up to
a point) in two ways: increasing time for opportunity to learn and lowering
the level of proficiency to be attained. It can be seen that, assuming
adequate motivation to learn (perseverance), and fixing an upper limit
for time of study-say four years of school work-one can set the maximum
level of proficiency that individuals with a given aptitude could attain.
If we now set the minimum acceptable level of achievement-say in terms
of a score X on a proficiency test-as the requirement for "success," there
will then be a certain proportion of the population that will not achieve
success in FL courses. Pimsleur, et al. (1964), estimate that up
to twenty percent of the student population in high schools and colleges
are "beset by a frustrating lack of ability" in FL study. They refer
to these students as "underachievers" in view of the fact that their grades
in FL courses are "at least one grade point lower than their average
grade in other major subjects." These investigators set about on
an ambitious project to identify the characteristics and specific abilities
that constitute FL aptitude. The administered a battery of tests
to high school students in a state school system that they considered typical
of the Midwest and the Eastern Seaboard (probably in Ohio) and correlated
the scores on these tests with obtained school grades in FL courses.
An evaluation of their effort is given by the following comparison of variable
that correlate with FL course grades:
As can be seen, their Aptitude Battery (which takes less than two hours
to complete) is as good as a predicator as Grade point average (which represents
a whole semester of work in several subjects). When these two variables
are combined, the multiple correlation affords more than double the predictive
value of an intelligence test, and one-half of the total variance to be
accounted for.
It would be instructive to examine the tests of
the Aptitude Battery as it may give an indication of what constitutes a
:talent for FL's." Here is a brief description:
Interest Test 1: A series of questions designed
to index how eager the student is in studying the
language he is taking.
Interest Test 2: A series of questions evaluating
the student's belief in the general value of FL
study.
Linguistic Analysis Test: "A fifteen-item
test of verbal reasoning in which the students are given
a number of forms in a foreign language and asked to deduce from
them how other things are said in that language."
Vocabulary Test: A vocabulary richness test
as a rough measure of verbal ability.
Pitch Test: "A test of auditory discrimination
in which the student must distinguish Chinese tones."
Rhymes Test: A test to measure fluency with
words.
Sound-Symbol Test: A "rapid-fire test in
which the student hears a nonsense syllable and must
match it with the correct spelling in his booklet."
Not all these tests are equally related to FL aptitude. In fact, the results of a matched-group experiment, in which "underachievers" were compared to "normal" students, showed no difference between the groups on the "Linguistic Analysis Test," the "Vocabulary" tests, and the "Rhymes" test. On the other hand, on three of the tests the underachievers scored significantly lower: these were the Interest Test 1, the Pitch Test, and the Sound-Symbol Test. The conclusion Pimsleur, et al., reach is unambiguous:
According to this investigation, there does exist a "talent" for learning foreign languages-that is, a special factor beyond intelligence and industriousness which accounts for how well an individual succeeds in a language course. OUr evidence indicates this special factor is auditory ability, which may be defined as the ability to receive and process information through the ear. (1964, p. 135)
A similar conclusion is reached by Carroll (1963), whose extensive work on the Modern Language Aptitude Test (MLAT) was carried out independently of and prior to the Pimsleur, et al., investigation:
These propositions [which this chapter will attempt to demonstrate] are (a) that facility in learning to speak and understand a foreign language is a fairly specialized talent (or group of talents), relatively independent of those traits ordinarily included under 'intelligence' and (b) that a relatively small fraction of the general population seems to have enough of this talent to be worth subjecting to the rigorous, intensive, expensive training programs in foreign languages...[However,]...the question of whether a student of lower than average aptitude should study foreign languages for purposes of general and liberal education depends upon a number of considerations which do not bear upon the selection of students for intensive foreign language courses of the type described here. (p.89)
According to Carroll, FL aptitude consists of at
least the following four identifiable abilities as measured by the MLAT:
(1) phonetic coding, which is "the ability to 'code' auditory phonetic
material in such a way that this material can be recognized, identified,
and remembered over something longer than a few seconds." This ability
is then very similar to that identified by Pimsleur, et al. (1964), as
discussed above. The word "coding" in the description takes on added
significance when it is realized that "phonetic discrimination" per
se is not an important predictor of FL success. A test of the
ability to perceive phonetic distinctions by requiring the listener to
distinguish between similar sounds presented as "foreign syllables" was
included in earlier versions of the MLAT Battery but was later abandoned:
its "validity coefficients were consistently low in comparison to those
of other tests, and the conclusion was reached that phonetic discrimination
ability is not crucial in foreign language learning. Most normal
people have enough discrimination ability to serve them in learning a foreign
language, and in any case, it is more a matter of learning the discrimination
over a period of time than any fundamental lack of auditory discrimination
which can readily be tested in an aptitude battery" (Carroll, 1965, p.
96). Thus it appears that the popular notion of "having a good ear
for languages" is an ability that doesn't depend so much as one's "ear"
but on the brain's capacity to code and store for later recall auditory
information of a phonetic type.
(2) The second major ability measured by the MLAT
is grammatical sensitivity, which is "the ability to handle 'grammar',"
i.e., the forms of language and their arrangements in natural utterances.
The sub-test which measures this ability ("Words in Sentences Test") requires
the individual to recognize the function of words in various contexts using
English sentences. For example, a word or phrase in a second sentence
which has the same grammatical function as the underlined element in the
first sentence. Thus, the test does not require formal training in
the matalanguage of grammar, although such training may improve this trait.
(3) The third variable measured by the "Paired Associates
Test" of the MLAT is "rote memorization ability for foreign language
materials," and "has to do with the capacity to learn a large number of...associations
in a short time." It is well known in the psychological literature
on verbal learning that rote learning ability is not related to intelligence
to any substantial degree.
(4) The fourth variable in FL aptitude is "inductive
language learning ability," which is the "ability to infer linguistic
forms, rules, and patterns from new linguistic context with a minimum of
supervision and guidance." Unfortunately, this ability is not measured
by the present commercial version of the MLAT.
The validity coefficients of the MLAT vary greatly,
depending on the subject sample and the population they are drawn from.
For example, its correlation with two groups of students enrolled in the
Five-University Summer Program in Middle Eastern Languages was .40 in one
group and .58 in another. The course was an eight-week intensive
program in various languages including Arabic, Turkish, Persian, and Modern
Hebrew. In further extensive tests of the MLAT, Carroll (1960) obtained
twenty-eight validity coefficients for high school courses; these ranged
from a low of .25 to a high of .78 with a median of .55. In twenty-five
coefficients obtained with college courses the range went from a low of
.13 to a high of .69 with a median of .44. These coefficients were
superior to those obtained with intelligence tests and there apparently
"was no systematic fluctuation of validity dependent on teaching methodology."
An interesting aspect of the MLAT is the claim Carroll
makes that it is equally valid for predicting success no matter what the
target language is. The status of this claim, however, is uncertain
in view of the ambiguous data available on this question (see, for example,
Table 4.11 in Carroll, 1965). Nevertheless, the evidence for the
positive, significant validity of the MLAT in all languages is strong and
there is little evidence so far that particular languages require special
abilities.
Another interesting aspect of the MLAT is its potential
use as a diagnostic tool. At the present time, it is not known to
what extent one can improve the various separate abilities in FL aptitude
by remedial training. On the other hand, a type of instruction that
takes into account an individual's specific weaknesses as revealed by his
scores on the sub-tests of the MLAT would seem to be a helpful strategy.
Even if individual attention is not possible, separate classes based on
the MLAT as a placement test would be indicated.
It is not the purpose of this section to review existing tests of proficiency for FLs or the principles involved in the development of such tests. Rather, the intent is to examine the nature of the goal of FL achievement, what Edgerton and his associates (1968) have called "liberated expression" in their report to the Northeast Conference on the Teaching of Foreign Languages. An extended quote from their report will introduce the problem to which this section addresses itself:
Most existing materials for classroom instruction in foreign languages-espcially audiolingual materials-concentrate on teaching the overt "machinery" of the languaag....When the question of meaning arises in the context of foreign-language instruction, "culture" must necessarily be considered since the semantic component, the "meaningful content," of a language cannot be separated from the culture of which it is a vehicle....Blunder after blunder (of the very sort the student's experience with a native or near-native "monitor" would sort out for him) is due not to lack of adequate conditioning in the manipulation of the mechanical aspects of the language he is trying to speak, but to a failure properly to associate the "pieces" of that language with what they denote and connote in the foreign culture itself....Very often it is assumed that the primary aim of study of a foreign language in the context of a general education is to train the student so that he can make practical use of his acquired skill and knowledge. However, on close inspection this aim seems quite unrealistic. The great majority of students who study a particular foreign language in the course of their schooling never make very much actual use of it for either professional or casual purposes. (pp.100-101)
FL requirements in colleges and universities, both entrance and graduation,
are usually stated either in terms of number of credit hours taken or in
terms of some vague statement such as "a speaking knowledge" or "a reading
knowledge" of the language. In evaluating the success of the FL training
program in the American educational system, it is necessary, as the above
quote suggests, to consider the attained proficiency on two levels.
The first level concerns the mechanical manipulation of the FL, while the
second, "higher" level, relates to the student's attainment of "liberated
expression"-the ability to use the FL as a vehicle of communication, what
might be called communicative competence.
With respect to the first level, it is well known
that successful completion of "so many" course credit units is a very poor
indicator of the degree of proficiency attained. Even standardized
tests of FL achievement are ambiguous in this respect for, as Carroll (1960)
points out, they allow an assessment of competence only in terms relative
to a comparison group which is considered "typical." Percentile scores
do not indicate the absolute level of achievement of a student. Carroll
gives an example of what he considers "a meaningful scale on which it would
be desirable to report proficiency" (1960, p. 72). This scale was
established by the Foreign Service Institute of the U.S. Department of
States. The standards in speaking proficiency are:
S-0: no practical knowledge of the language
S-1: able to use limited social expressions,
numbers, and language for travel requirements
S-2: able to satisfy routine social and limited
office requirements
S-3: sufficient control of structure and adequate
vocabulary to handle representation
requirements and professional discussions in one or more fields
S-4: fluency in the foreign language
S-5: competence equivalent to English
A similar series of standards has apparently been established for reading
and writing. An example of such a scheme has already been provided
in Table 1, previously discussed, which also gives, as will be recalled,
the time requirements for attaining the various defined levels of proficiency.
As long as school requirements of FL proficiency fail to specify the levels
of achievement in terms similar to these, no meaningful assessment of the
success of their programs is possible. Furthermore, until such as
assessment procedure is adopted, the requirements for FL study are likely
to continue to appear to the student as arbitrary and irrelevant, a condition
that is not likely to foster the kind of interest and motivation that promotes
FL study (see next section).
It is often stated that full native language achievement
is an impossible goal for FL training in the school. While such an
expectation is undoubtedly unrealistic under present conditions of instruction,
considering the limited time available for FL study for most students in
high schools and colleges, it need not imply that because full communicative
competence is impossible instruction should be geared to nearly a knowledge
of the mechanical manipulation of the language. The various levels
of speaking proficiency as defined by the Foreign Service Institute
scale (see above) assume the mastery of various levels of communicative
competence before complete mastery of mechanical manipulation is attained.
Fore example, level S-4 (fluency in the FL) is preceded by S-2 (able to
satisfy routine social requirements), which is short of the proficiency
in mechanical manipulation achieved by many FL students in school courses
yet is far ahead of the latter in terms of ability to use the language
in a practical situation. It would appear that the low level of communicative
competence achieved by students in FL courses in school is due more to
a failure in the method of instruction than to lack of sufficient time
devoted to FL study.
Hayes (1965), in a most perceptive discussion, has
outlined the "new directions" that FL teaching ought to take to remedy
the "gap" between a knowledge of "structural manipulation" and communicative
competence. It is instructive to review briefly the nature of the
knowledge that must be subsumed under communicative competence.
A. Paralinguistic factors. These
refer to features of speaking such as pitch, range, tempo,
clipping, etc.,
which may make one react to a speaker with the comment "It's not what
he
said, but how
he said it..."
B. Kinesic factors. Formal, visual
(facial, gestural, etc.) features that carry meaning such as the
slightly protruded
tongue whose significance caries not only cross-culturally and
cross-linguistically
but, also, contextually within a culture. (Consider the difference
in meaning
of this act in our
culture when done by a child concentrating on a task, by a young woman
to
her intimate friend,
or by a effeminate male.)
C. Sociolinguistic factors. Linguistic
features (phonetic, lexical, grammatical) correlated with
geographical origin
(dialect), socioeconomic background, context of interaction (speech
style), speech mode
(writing vs. speaking), etc.
D. Psycholinguistic factors.
Features of the communication situation (including all of the
above) as they affect
the listener. For example, the person who uses the "High" version
of a
language in a speech
community characterized by diglossia (see Ferguson, 1964) where the
"Low" version in required
(as in Arabic, Greek, or Swiss German) is an object of ridicule,
while the reverse
blunder in a school situation may land the teacher in jail (in some
Arabic-speaking countries).
Or, to give a more familiar example, the use of informal
phonological style
by a non-native speaker evokes an unfavorable reaction (e.g. "I'm gonna
go home," with a less
than native accent on "gonna").
When these aspects of communicative competence are
considered, it is clear that they may profitably be included in a FL teaching
program whose goal is admittedly less than full native competence.
It is well to consider that if communicative competence (at some realistic
level) is the desirable goal of FL study, then a so-called "speaking knowledge"
is not closer to it than a "reading knowledge." It would appear that
communicative competence in reading and writing (with no comparable competence
in aural skills) would in many circumstances be more desirable than a "speaking
knowledge" of the audiolingual course variety that includes adequate structural
manipulation but excludes practical use. Hence an automatic preference
for developing so-called "speaking skills" in many modern FL courses would
seem to be arbitrary and unjustified.
It will be recalled that one of the elements in the
learning model outlined earlier was "perseverance," which was defined as
the time the student is willing to spend in active learning. This
section will examine some of the relevant factors that enter into the term
"willing" in this definition.
There is a distinction to be drawn between "being
interested" and "being motivated." Interest usually refers to the
condition where the source of the drive to study lies in the student; the
latter sees the intrinsic value of the effort to be expended and the goal
to be achieved. “To motivate a student,” on the other hand, refers
to a condition where it is felt that there is an absence of interest and
hence the drive to study lies in some area extrinsic to the goal to be
achieved. It is often assumed that intrinsic interest is a more favorable
condition for learning than supplied motivation, although the evidence
on this matter is ambiguous. Thus, Large (in Carroll, 1960) reported
that, when in the depression adults were paid to follow experimental courses
in Russian, they learned equally well regardless of their stated interest
in the task (p. 66). Dunkel (also in Carroll, 1960) found in a 1948
report that monetary rewards did not significantly improve performance
in an artificial language learning task (p.66). Carroll himself reports
that a person's likes or dislikes for FL study were unrelated to aptitude
or achievement (1960, p. 66). He concludes: “From these results one
may infer that as long as learners remain cooperative and actively engage
in learning whether they want to or not, motivational differences will
not make much difference in achievement. Motivation will be related
to achievement only when it affects how well students will persevere in
active learning efforts in a situation in which they are relatively free
to lag in attention, as in public schools” (1960, p.66). However,
it will be recalled that Pimsleur, et al. (1964), reported that their “Interest
Test 1” was one of the tests on which underachievers were significantly
lower than the controls, and they found it helpful to include it in their
Aptitude Battery as a useful predictor of success. Similarly, after
a series of investigations on the study of French in the Montreal, Main,
and Louisiana settings, Lamber (1963) reaches the following conclusion:
“The results indicate that, similar to the Montreal studies, two independent
factors underlie the development of skill in learning a second language:
an intellectual capacity and an appropriate attitudinal orientation toward
the other language group coupled with a determined motivation to learn
the language" (p. 117).
The investigations of Lambert and his associates
at McGill University raise some important questions for a “social psychology
of bilingualism” which are mot normally considered within the scope of
FL training, yet indicate that the study of an FL may have some psychological
consequences not unlike those experienced by immigrants in their efforts
of acculturation. The individual's reactions to these psychologically
significant processes are believed to affect the learner’s motivation for
study and, hence, his success in achievement. Lambert puts it this
way:
This theory, in brief, holds that an individual successfully
acquiring a second language gradually adopts various aspects of behavior
which characterize members of another linguistic-cultural group.
The learner’s ethnocentric tendencies and his attitudes toward the other
group are believed to determine his success in learning the new language.
His motivation to learn is thought to be determined by his attitudes and
by his orientation toward learning a second language. The orientation
is ‘instrumental’ in form if the purposes of language study reflect the
more utilitarian value of linguistic achievement, such as getting ahead
in ones occupation, and is ‘integrative’ if the student is oriiented to
learn more about the other cultural community as if he desired to become
a potential member of the other group. It is also argued that
some may be anxious to learn another language as a means of being accepted
in another cultural group because of dissatisfactions experienced in their
own culture while other individuals may be equally as interested in another
culture as they are in their own. However., the more proficient one
becomes in a second language, the more he may find that his place in his
original membership group is modified at the same time as the other linguisitic-cultural
group becomes something more than a reference group for him. It may
in fact become a second membership group for him. Depending upon
the compatibility of the two cultures, he may experience feelings of chagrin
or regret as he loses ties in one group, mixed with the fearful anticipation
of enter a relatively new group. The concept of ‘anomie’… refers
to the feelings of social uncertainty which sometimes characterize not
only the bilingual by also the serious student of second language.
(1963, p. 114)
It can be seen that the question of motivation in FL study may be very
complicated factor indeed. Lambert has found that “integratively
oriented” students are more successful than “instrumental oriented” learners,
and he apparently believes that the latter are not normally aware that
they are "trying less hard," in indeed they are. Carroll (1960) is
of the opinion that the instrumentally oriented student in fact perseveres
less at FL study, which he thinks accounts for Lambert's findings.
Evidence consonant with this interpretation is provided by Politzer (1953-54),
who reports that there is a direct correlation between performance in course
examinations for college students and number of hours spent in voluntary
language laboratory periods (the latter presumably being an indication
of intrinsic interest), while the correlation with time spent in doing
homework (presumably an indication of extrinsic interest) is curvilinear
(the students getting A's did the least amount of homework).
In view of the apparent importance of the learner's
interest in the subject being studied, it is necessary to examine the evidence
on this matter. Only two studies were found which report college
student's interest in FL study. One was carried out at Harvard in
the early 1950's by Politzer (1953-54), the other at the University of
Illinois in 1968 by the Liberal Arts and Sciences Students Council (unpublished).
The situation at both institutions was similar in that the students were
enrolled in the FL courses for the purpose of fulfilling the FL requirement.
Two questions in the Politzer survey have direct
relevance to student interest in FL study. The first deals with the
student's selection of a particular language for study; the following options
were given in he question:
(a) no particular reason
(b) language happened to be more easily
available in the secondary school or college schedule
(c) it is easier than any other
(d) it is more likely to be of specific
use
(e) reason for choice was a particular
interest in French (or Hispanic) civilization or literature or people
The results are tabulated by type of course in which the student were enrolled: courses lettered A and C are those with admitted emphasis on reading; courses lettered B and D lay greater emphasis on speaking. A and B are first year courses, C and D are second year courses. The total sample consisted of 455 students. Of these, the majority were in the A and C courses (184 and 189, respectively, versus 49 and 33 for the B and D courses, respectively). The figures in the table refer to percentages.
The answers in this table are lumped by category
of response indicating clearly extrinsic interest (a, b, and c) versus
probable intrinsic interest (d and e). The following points are evident
upon inspection: (1) the students who enroll in a course with a greater
emphasis on speaking (B, D) have a more intrinsic interest in the language
they are studying; (2) the extent of intrinsic interest held in the first
year course decreases in the second year course; (3) anywhere from 1/3
to 1/2 of the students in the A and C courses have no intrinsic interest
in the language they are studying. In addition, a breakdown of answers
by grades indicates that more of the good students (in all courses) have
an intrinsic interest (75%) than the bad students (53%), as indicated by
their course grades.
The second question asked the students to indicate
their opinion on what they felt ought to be the primary purpose of instruction.
The choices given were:
(a) acquisition of reading knowledge
(b) ability to speak with some fluency on everyday topics
(c) acquaintance with some major literary works in the
original
(d) better understanding of French (or Hispanic) culture
To the question of what are the goals or benefits of FL study one usually obtains answers that fall into four categories (not necessarily independent): a reading knowledge, a speaking knowledge, communicative competence, and cultural awareness. The traditional goal of FL training and the one still dominant in the minds of undergraduate and graduate university students is the attainment of a reading capacity sufficient to serve library research requirements and to provide the possibility of enjoying major literary works in a language other than one's own. The major goal of the Intensive Foreign Language Program which sparked the "new" audiolingual approach during World War II was to produce a "practical speaking knowledge" in the shortest possible time. This result satisfied the immediate requirements of a need at hand: to train military, paramilitary, and diplomatic personnel assigned to overseas duty. As a result of these efforts, coupled by the increasing number of private American citizens who travel abroad, there has developed a strong feeling among many individuals connected with education, that the primary goal of FL study in the school ought to be the development of oral skills. With respect to this change of emphasis, Moulton raises certain important questions:
As part of a liberal education, however, we may also want
the student to retain an understanding of the structure of the foreign
language, just as we want him to gain and retain an understanding of the
structure of his native language....Likewise, as part of a liberal education
we must be interested not only i teaching our students to speak, but also
in teaching them to say something worth listening to; and this means that
part of their work must consist in reading some of the great things
which have been said in the particular language, some of its best works
of literature. (1962, p. 90)
While most teachers today would not dispute the fact that reading literature
in an FL is beneficial, and indeed such is required in advanced language
courses, yet the emphasis on oral skills in the popularized audiolingual
courses shows that when study time is short and a choice has to be made,
the preference is for a development of oral skills and literature reading
is left largely to the student who wants to specialize in FLs. The
rationale for this preference is not obvious and the decision needs justification,
for in fact it may not have any. The fact is that the practical considerations
for FL study such as travel and a job abroad are still not sufficiently
important for most Americans, and given the dominance of English in the
world, which is still increasing, these considerations may never by themselves
fully justify the emphasis of oral skills in FL study. The present
wide insistence on a goal that is justifiable felt unwarranted by many
students in our educational system may be responsible in large measure
for the lack of high motivation in FL study. The choice of which
skill to emphasize in FL instruction ought to be made in response to the
goal or need felt by the student, not by some arbitrary decision.
The emphasis on oral skills in the Intensive Foreign Language Program of
World War II, in many current efforts such as the Peace Corps Training
program, and in private FL training programs designed for business men,
is a rational choice justified by the trainee's particular needs.
Such a single purpose goal for FL training in our schools is not similarly
responsive to the potentially variable needs of the general student population.
Irrespective of whether the goal of FL study is
specified as a reading knowledge or a speaking knowledge, or both, there
is one ultimate benefit that receives universal consensus. This is
that FL study increases cultural awareness, reduces ethnocentrism, and
is an effective "antidote to cultural myopia." Despite the undisputed
status of this benefit, FL teachers often are incapable of making an efficient
case for it to the student who often remains skeptical. It may be
instructive to examine, in some detail, the arguments that some writers
have used relative to this question.
The relationship between language and culture is
often discussed in the literature in relation to the so-called linguistic
or cultural relativity hypothesis, whose best known modern proponents have
been Sapir and Whorf (sometimes also called the "Whorfian hypotheses" or
the "Sapir-Whorf hypotheses"). Writers have disagreed concerning
the strength of the influence of the language system upon thought, perception,
and motivation. The strong formulation of the hypothesis posits that
with each different language system there is correlated a unique thought
pattern which determines the speaker's world view. The consequence
of this position is the denial of the possibility of an exact correspondence
between tow linguistic expressions that belong to different language systems.
The weak formulation only admits that coding systems in general, of which
language represents one example, facilitates or inhibits memory functions.
This position denies a direct influence of the language system on perception,
and admits the possibility of "equivalent expressions" across different
language systems.
Carroll has edited a book on some selected writings
of Benjamin Lee Whorf (1956), but he seems to reject the strong version
of the relativity hypothesis. He inclines toward the weaker proposition
that language "predisposes" an individual toward a particular view insofar
as the grammatical and semantic classes peculiar to a language emphasize
certain aspects of experience and the environment in a way that is different
from another language. He writes: "Insofar as language differ
in the ways they encode objective experience, language users tend to sort
out and distinguish experiences differently according to the categories
provided by their respective languages. These cognitions will tend
to have certain effects on behavior" (Carroll, 1963b, p. 12). Some
examples will illustrate the process Carroll has in mind. It is well
known that the Eskimos have some dozen different words for varieties of
snow, and so a person who is to communicate in their language must change
his usual perceptions of snowflakes by learning certain differentiations
he failed to make before. The realization that classification of
objects as expressed by the names we give them is arbitrary may come when
an English speaker learns Chinese and discovers that two categories of
things that he has hitherto considered very different ("fruits" and "nuts")
are in this language lumped into one class having but one name. To
give an example that might be more familiar, when an American learns German
his attention is drawn to the fact that German speaking people must specify
the manner of transportation when they talk about displacing themselves:
A German cannot just "go" to his country house; he must either walk (gehen),
use a vehicle (fahren), ride on horseback (reiten), or whatever.
Where English uses the verb "to pick up" something, Navaho uses several
variants depending on the shape of the object that is handled-a difference
which may account for the fact that Navaho speaking children pay attention
to the form of objects at an earlier age than American children (Carroll,
1963b, p. 16). An American learning Spanish must consciously make
a type of distinction about the concept of "to be" (ser versue estar)
which he normally doesn't think of when speaking English. The student
of a second language becomes sensitized to the fact that many of
his values ar not shared by members of another culture when he learns the
different connotations of so-called "translation equivalent" words:
The word "fat" in American English has a negative connotation, while in
the Hindi language, among others, it carries a positive effect. It
is sometimes argued that this kind of "cultural awareness" could be taught
in an anthropology type course and one need not go to the trouble of acquiring
a particular FL. Actually this is highly unlikely for it assumes
that all or most cultural differences can be explicitly identified and
stated verbally-a claim that no serious student of anthropology would dare
make. In fact, recent developments in anthropology use a type of
linguistic contrastive analysis to isolate cultural differences ("componential
analysis"), and in psychology methods of "comparative psycholinguistics"
are employed to isolate cross-cultural differences of a psychological nature
(Jakobovits, 1966). There is recent evidence that linguistic differences
in the connotation of translating equivalent words provides a clue to deep
psychological factors related to the need system (personality) of individuals
that distinguish economically "advanced" from economically "disadvantaged
societies (Jakobovits, 196a). One recalls in this context Lambert's
observation that becoming bilingual is more than just acquiring a "third
signaling system": it may have weighty consequences not unlike the acculturation
process of the immigrant. Ervin (1955) has shown that the personality
profile of a bilingual as revealed by his responses to the T.A.T.1
picture cards varies depending on which of the two languages he uses.
In extreme instances, one may even speak of "bilingual schizophrenia" (Jakobovits,
1967b).
Of course, one would not expect such strong effects
to take place as a result of FL study in the school situation. Bit
it is a question of degree only, and Carroll's following remark is expected
to apply, to some extent, to all students engaged in FL study: "An
individual learning a second language must be taught to observe and codify
experience as nearly as possible in the same way as native speakers of
that language" (1963b, p. 17). It is in this, much more than in his
pronunciation, that the native speaker becomes a worthwhile object to be
modeled.
1. Thematic Apperception Tests
The main conclusions that emerge from a review of the research on language learning and teaching as it is relevant to an evaluation of the FL requirement will now be summarized.
1. Two major approaches in method of instructing
FLs can be identified: the habit-skill approach
that emphasizes oral
skills through a method of repetitive pattern drills and the rule-governed
grammar approach that
emphasizes the knowledge of structure. Both approaches draw upon
modern linguistic
theory, but the extent to which reading and writing skills are also emphasized
varies greatly within
either approach.
2. The habit-skill approach is based on a
theoretically untenable position and the justification
given for repetitive
pattern drills appears invalid.
3. A scientific assessment of effectiveness
of different methods of instruction is not now possible.
Comparative studies
that have been carried out support the following generalization: the
student learns, if
anything, precisely what he is being taught and there are no mysterious
transfer effects across
different language skills.
4. A proposal to give FL credit on the basis
of attained proficiency in self-instructional
programs for some
students with high FL aptitude appears to be feasible.
5. The quality of instruction depends on the
extent to which it is made clear to the learner just
what he supposed to
be learning at each level. Hence, a "standard" method of instruction
which does not vary
with the learner's characteristics (aptitude and ability to understand
instructions) cannot
be of high quality.
6. Evidence is now available that an important
factor determining success in FL study is a special
talent for languages
and that this FL aptitude can be estimated by a short test.
7. Given a certain known level of FL aptitude,
one can specify how long it will take to attain a
particular level of
proficiency.
8. Given a certain limited amount of time
available for study, one can predict what proportion of
students will fail
to attain a certain level of proficiency on the basis of their estimated
FL
aptitude score.
9. Phonetic discrimination per se (i.e.,
hearing ability) is not an important factor in FL aptitude.
What is crucial is
the ability to code phonetic material so that it can be stored in memory.
In
all, four separate
abilities have been identified as components of FL aptitude.
10. Existing FL aptitude tests can be used for placement
and diagnostic purposes. When they
are combined with
a trial course, it should be possible to predict the level of attainment
for
each of the separate
language skills. These expectations could then be used to establish
variable FL requirements
for each student.
11. Standard proficiency tests are inadequate on two accounts:
(a) they do not indicate the
student's absolute
competence-only his relative standing to a "typical group"; (b) they are
intended to test mastery
of mechanical manipulation or structural knowledge and say nothing
about communicative
competence. What is needed is a specification of levels of standards
in
terms of practical
requirements in communication.
12. Attainment in FL study can be evaluated on two levels:
degree of mastery of mechanical
manipulation and extent
of communicative competence. There appears to be no good reason
or withholding training
in the latter until advanced mastery of the former. Teaching at both
levels conjointly
would be preferable on several grounds.
13. As it is usually defined in FL courses or requirements,
a "speaking knowledge" is not closer to
communicative competence
than a "reading knowledge." The emphasis of the former over the
latter does
now appear to be justified.
14. A consideration of motivational and attitudinal factors
in FL study is relevant from two points
of view: (a) the way
in which these affect learners' perseverance (an intrinsic-integrative
orientation has been
found to be superior to an extrinsic-instrumental orientation); (b) the
way
in which these
affect the individual's reactions to contact with a foreign culture (there
is
evidence that becoming
bilingual carries with it the tendency of becoming bicultural).
15. Two available surveys of college students' interest
in FL study indicate that (a) one-third to
one-half have no intrinsic
interest in the language they are taking; (b) one-half consider the
primary goal to be
the development of reading knowledge of the language; and (c) most of
them disapprove of
the college graduation FL requirement and almost one-half actually feel
that FL study has
been detrimental to them.
16. Given the wide distribution of FL aptitude scores in
the general student population, it is
unrealistic to expect a
uniform level of achievement. The FL teacher must adjust his
expectation of achievement
to be attained to the student's particular aptitude
17. The low level of intrinsic interest in FL study on
the part of many students may be a result of a
number of undesirable features
of present practices in FL instruction. Some of these can be
mentioned: (a) a failure
to clarify appropriate criteria for student self-evaluation of his progress;
(b) insistence on a degree
of phonetic mastery that is not justified by the requirements of
communication; (c) inadequate
counseling on the choice of an FL in terms of considerations
appropriate to the student's
perceived needs' and (d) failure to make FL study seem relevant
to the student in terms
of its practical use.
18. A single-purpose goal for FL study, such as the development
of oral skills in the "progressive"
audiolingual courses, is
not responsive to the potentially variable needs of the general student
population.
19. Although proponents of FL study agree that one of its
main benefits is increased cultural
awareness, they have apparently
failed to communicate this idea to many students. It is
possible to justify this
claim on a number of grounds and it behooves the FL teacher to try to
make a better case for it.
1. It is my opinion that most college students
who successfully meet present requirements fail to
achieve a level of
proficiency that allows them to reap the benefits of FL study, whether
it be
at the humanistic
level or the practical level of communicative competence.
2. I believe that this failure of the intended
goal has several causes, the most important one
being the following:
(a) FL study is not perceived by the students as relevant to their
educational needs
and aspirations, This feeling is strengthened by blanket college
requirements which
they view as archaic, arbitrary, and insensitive to their wishes; (b) serious
benefits can be derived,
entangles the student in a psychological involvement that may lead
him to invidious comparisons
between the foreign culture and his own. To some individuals,
this involvement may
be threatening, especially when he feels that it is being "forced down
his
throat." Failure
to achieve any meaningful proficiency is an effective protection against
such
perceived threat;
(c) present methods of instruction are geared toward a standard goal, while
the students' needs
are variable. This helps reinforce the feeling of the irrelevance
of FL
study. Apart
from neglecting individual needs, such instruction disregards the variation
that
exists in FL aptitude.
3. The acquisition of a meaningful level of
language competence cannot be achieved without
intrinsic motivation
on the part of the learner. No amount of duress in the form of a
barrier
against graduation
can change this. In this sense, the FL requirement is self-defeating.
Given these considerations, I would like to suggest
some alternatives, which in my opinion, will
be more effective in promoting the goal that the present requirement
attempts, but fails, to promote.
1. The student ought to be given as much latitude
as he feels he needs in the following areas: (a)
the choice of a language
(he ought not to be pressured to "stick to" a language he took in high
school at a time when
his needs may have been different and when the choices available to
him were restricted);
(b) the type of instruction and the skills to be emphasized (he ought not
to be made to suffer
in self-respect by choosing a "starred"2 course when his interests
lie in
developing reading
and writing skills; typically, starred courses are for "D" students).
The high
aptitude student ought
to be given the opportunity of pursuing self-instructional programs
where he can achieve
a desired level of proficiency at a rate much faster than the typical
course affords; and
(c) the amount of credit he wishes to receive in FL study. This last
point
is elaborated in the
following recommendation.
2 A term used at the Univ. of Illinois to denote sections for individuals with special problems.
Korean 2 4 6 15 16 24* 30*
Japanese
3
3
4
12
15
18 24
____________________________________________________________________________________
Arabic
1
6
9
No
No
No No
Vietnamese 2 4 6 12 15 18* 24*
Thai
3
3
4
9
12
15* 18*
____________________________________________________________________________________
Notes: (a) "No" entries indicate that it
is not practical to achieve that level of proficiency on a one-hour-a-day
basis.
(b) Entries with an asterisk indicate that one must add three months in
part-time training and using the
language, preferably in the field.
(c) For definitions of levels and hours, see text, p. 441.
2. A variable credit allotment ought to be
made available based on the student's attainment of certain defined levels
of standards stated in terms relevant to competence in language use.
The following plan is intended as an illustration rather than a firm proposal;
(See Table 2)
The scheme of variable credit illustrated here is
flexible enough to meet the variable needs and interests of the student
body. Credit can be obtained at any level with three types of skills.
An ambitious student with high aptitude can pile up as many as 18 1/2 credit
units with the combination [W6 + O3 + HL
+ HC]. Or, a student may simply choose to write a technical
paper on his major subject and receive 4 1/2 credit units for W6,
etc. The exact credit allotments and levels of standards should be
worked out more carefully and with some justifiable rationale.
3. I would also recommend that each department
in a college spell out for its majors the desired levels of standards,
types of skills that it recommends, and in which language(s). These
recommendations ought to be flexible and be based on demonstrable usefulness
to the program in question.
It is my belief that if these recommendations are
put into effect, FL study will quickly loose its notorious status as "the
bad child" of the college curriculum and will provide the type of benefits
that we all want the liberally educated person to experience.
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Units of
Credit |
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Be able to understand simple written materials of non-technical
nature with
the use of a dictionary |
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Same as the above without the use of a dictionary |
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Be able to understand written material of a technical nature
(student's choice
of area) with the use of a dictionary |
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Same as the above without the use of a dictionary |
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Be able to write a non-technical composition without the use of a dictionary |
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Be able to write a technical paper with the use of a dictionary |
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| O1 | Be able to carry on a conversation (in formal style) with
a native speaker on simple
everyday subjects (weather, travel, shopping, etc.) |
|
| O2 | Be able to carry on an active discussion on various subjects
(political, social, cultural)
with a native speakers, and in a group |
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| O3 | Be able to speak effectively with command of different stylistic
varieties required in
social situations |
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Demonstrated knowledge of FL literature (test to be taken in English) |
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