( . . . )

"9:40 P.M.

"11.30 P.M.

10 min.

5 min.

Using the bathroom.

P. is going home and we say goodbye to each

The annotations provided here are of three kinds: time the activity happened, how long the activity lasted, and what it was. Note that the information given allows us to orient to the significance of the activity. For example, "10 min. in the bathroom at 10:50 A.M. after getting up" sounds ordinary, whereas "60 min." for the same entry would force us to think that some additional events went on, besides using the bathroom and washing up. It is obvious, however, that we would need additional annotations if we are to personalize the events depicted in the log. The problem of what kinds of annotations are to be provided in any report is a difficult one, and permits answers only after much "experimentation"--i.e., "venturing out for trial and testo" In this case, students received detailed instructions on the format of reporting annotations. We shall present two types here. One is called interior dialog and represents an annotation the witness offers as an explanation of the subjective and "private" or "interior" thoughts that surrounded the activity These thoughts and feelings are expressed in words, and irrespective of what words or thoughts were precisely involved, these annotations clarify the significance of the other annotations, or reports. While the interior dialogue annotation presents the words thought, exactly or in some approximation, sensations and feelings are offered as a description of what the person l'felt like inside" (vs. "thought of"). Look at these annotations, as given by the student in connection with the log cited above:

Entry in Log Interior Dialog Sensations and Feeling
10:00 A.M.

10:50 A.M.

6:25 P.M.

8:30 P.M.

"I'm still sleepy. I think
I'll go back to sleep for a

"My hair looks awful this
morning! I guess I shouldn't
have slept with wet hair last

"I wish P. would help me with
the cooking instead of just
watching TV. I feel like a

"Is a woman's work never
done? Poor P. he must be so
bored upstairs. He came
today especially to visit me
and I'm downstairs in the
laundry room."
My eyes feel heavy; back and
legs ache; and my nose is
stuffed up.

My nose feels all stuffed up.

Feel tired.

I feel tired and guilty
because I'm not spending
much time with my boyfriend

9:40 P.M.

11:30 P.M.
I think I ate too much for
dinner tonight.''
"I wish P. didn't have to
go home."
I feel gassy and my stomach
feels bloated.
Feeling lonely and left
behind somehow.

We may take this opportunity here to discuss briefly the "objectivity status" of annotations, especially those types that describe "internal" events. The experimental analysis of behavior tends to avoid the recording of "inner" thoughts and feelings, a procedure that is often identified in the literature as introspectionism (intro = inside; -spect- = looking; hence, "looking inside"'). John B. Watson, the modern "founder" of "elemental or strict behaviorism" was influential in "stamping out" from behaviorism any kind of data that was based on a person's observations when introspecting. These kinds of reports were deemed subjective and unreliable.
We feel, however, that in this the baby was thrown out with the bathwater! There are two reasons we would like to mention. First, the significance of so-called "introspective data" does not lie in their being an exact record Of what the person thought of, sensed, or felt. Rather, as pointed out above, they are to be classified as annotations the person presents, and it is this presentation that is of interest, not whether they contain a precise record of what actually was thought of or felt. Presentations are not introspective; they are interpersonal, public, and objective. Their function is to elaborate upon the experimental context of an event or involvement. They allow the "third party" to witness more fully the events being reported.
The second reason we may give concerning the validity and utility of these annotations, is that they are of the same type that a person ordinarily and commonly uses all the time for the self-direction of behavior. To leave them out, would mean to eliminate a source of information that people actually use and rely on, and the theories the experimental analyst makes up about human behavior would thus be inadequate and falsified. Furthermore, the behaviorist already uses such data when he records the "overt" reactions of a subject to a question, scaled item, or summative report of one's evaluations. Thus, if you choose an item on a verbal questionnaire, e.g., "+2" for "how we11 you like something," are you not summarizing your introspected reactions? It would seem, therefore, that a better strategy would be to obtain the subject's report in whatever manner desirable, and as well, to obtain additional annotations concerning the objective context of the report. In this manner, our understanding of the meaning and significance of the reports are facilitated and enhanced.

Example 6: Territoriality Slogans
Data Segment Source Type Annotations
"You eat too

"Why aren't you





This statement was often used by
my mother to indicate that I
should improve my eating habits.

My mother would often say this
if I stopped eating so much
because of the above statement.

It caused much confusion in my

Note how the various types of annotations interact with each other to illuminate the biographical events being described. Merely reporting two events, being frequently told about food that "You eat too much" and "Why aren't you eating?" is not sufficiently evocative of their significance. Clearly, the annotation "It caused much confusion in my life"' identifies an element about the situation which is informative, that is, the significance the witness attaches to these biographical items that she kept track of.

In this next example, we present annotations that one student wrote about another student's report. This kind of data is informative about the interpretat10n and significance which the reader attaches to some biographical report.
Example 7: Interpersonal Relations: Relationship with the opposite sex.
Data Segment Source Annotation

"I look around the
house to make sure
everything is in
order before I leave
for the day."
Lists and
(Folder #13)

Log activities;
11:35 A.M.
(Folder #27)
(This is a subscription she has.)
This subscription shows her
relationship to the opposite sex
as being on a pornographic level.

Here she is concerned about the
appearance of her home. This is
traditionally a female role.

In this example, the student is presenting two pieces of evidence she isolated from the reports of two other students (Folders #13 and 27). "Source" refers to the specific part of the report from whence the data segments come. The

context of the report in Example 7 is given by the title annotation, i.e., observations the witness has made concerning a particular significance she attaches to the data segment, namely, indicators of "Relationship with the opposite sex." The annotation entry for noting that person #13 subscribes to Playgirl magazine, is informative about how she "reads," or interprets this fact about #13. Similarly, the second annotation tells us that being c0ncerned about home appearance, is categorized by her as a "traditional female role.''

In this next example, the same student reports some of her observations about two other students' reports. The two students were selected on the basis of her first impressions about them in class, either favorable ("I would like to get acquainted with this person"), or unfavorable ("I don't think this person and I would like each other").
Example 8: Social Attitudes; First Impressions
Folder #107: (favorable)
Data Segment Source Annotation
"I hope I didn't over-
whelm her, though,
because once I get
going, I couldn't
stop talking to her!"

"I wish I didn't have
so much homework."

"I have to study this

Interior Dialogue


Strategies I use

(She was being interviewed by a
girl and this is the response
she gave.) I often talk too
much also and sometimes I regret
it later.

I share in this sentiment.

(She says this to her boyfriend
sometimes when she has a lot of
work to do.) I have often said
this to my boyfriend also,
especially when exam times comes

Folder #46: (unfavorable)
"I feel sentimental
and romantic."

"lipstick, eye

Sensations and

Lists and
(She has just seen a sunset and
feels this way about it.) I,
personally, could not get
romantically involved with a
sunset but would rather philo-
sophize over people.

(These are the make-up things
she keeps in her purse.)
never carry any make-up in my

"athletic" Self-appearance
(She feels she is an athlet1c individual.)
I am definitely
not. I don't like sports that

These data are informative about the categorizations this person makes concerning the significance of social attitudes towards personal traits. Again, this kind of annotation informs us about the sign7ficance this person attaches to items of observation about another person (= CCP's).

The DRA Index. We are presenting below information concerning the current contents of the student-produced and maintained data bank which we call The Daily Round Archives or DRA. Part A gives a description of the general contents by date of submission, i.e., year and semester. Part B gives the outline of the categories of reporting, i.e., the daily round areas, for the Spring 1977 submissions of Psychology 222 students and the categories used for the Spring 1978 semester.


TlTLE: Transcript from TV or Movie
DESCRIPTION: Students recorded a TV program and transcribed a 10-minute

section of dialogue. The reports included an introduction, a
description of the notation system used in transcribing, stage
directions, an analysis (turntaking, transactional idioms,
topical content, participant activities), and an interpretation.

TITLE: Microdescription of Handshake Episode
DESCRIPTION: Immediately after shaking hands with the person next to them
in class, students wrote a detailed description of the event.

TITLE: Paraphrase outline of Erving Goffman's
Frame Analysis
DESCRITION: Working in groups of five each student paraphrased in outline
form chapters of Frame Analysis and prepared revisions
responsive to Dr. James' written comments.

TITLE: objectifying Autobiographical Record
DESCRIPTION: Students prepared an autobiographical analysis using the Social
Psychological concepts outlined in Erving Goffman's Frame
Analysis. Students made revisions based on professor's comments.

TITLED: Glossary
DESCRIPTION: Students compiled a glossary based on the lectures, including
paragraphs of definitions, examples, relationships of terms,
and diagrams.

SEMESTER: Spring 1974

TITLE: IS (Instructional Statement) Pages
DESCRIPTION: Students prepared 10 "IS" pages based on Erring Goffman's
"on face-work: An Analysis of Ritual Elements,"' and Edward
Sampson's Social Psychology. IS pages refers to a method of
objectifying the perspective of a writer.


SEMESTER: Fall 1976

TITLE. Interior Dialogue Accompanying a Talking Exchange
DESCRIPTION: Students prepared from memory a brief transcript of a talking

episode in four columns: 1) transcript lines, 2) stage directions,
3) interior dialogue of the student, 4) interior dialogue of

the other person.

TITLE: Outline of Textbook: Social Psychology of Contemporary Society
by Edward Sampson
DESCRIPTION: Students prepared a handwritten outline of the text using chapter

titles, section headings, and italicized terms.

TITLE: Transcript of a l0 Minute Segment of Conversation
DESCRIPTION: Students recorded an hour-long conversation in which they
participated, and transcribed a 10-minute segment with

TITLE: Students ' Transcript Analysis
DESCRIPTION: Each student analyzed transcripts prepared by other students.

TITLE: Ocean School Report
DESCRIPTION: Students were instructed to spend a half-hour daily in the
ocean for two weeks and to record their observations within
the framework of the Reacculturation Hexagram.

TITLE: Weekly Round of Activities
DESCRIPTION: Students prepared a 24-hour log of their daily conversations for
7-day period. Each entry specified the time of occurrence,
duration, and activity.

TITLE: Black Evaluation
DESCIPTION: At the end of the semester students prepared a list of
assertions evaluating the course.


SEMESTER: Spring 1976

TITLE: Impressions and observations about the First Class and Corrections to

DESCRIPTION: Students reported their impressions and observations of the
first day of class. Dr. James wrote comments on each
paper, and students prepared responsive "corrections. "

TITLE: Discourse Thinking Report
DESCRIPTION: Students prepared a transcript with information arranged in
four columns: 1) the transcript, 2) stage directions, 3) dis-
course thinking of the student, 4) discourse thinking of the
other person.

TITLE: Comic Strip Interior Dialogue
DESCRIPTION: Students prepared a transcript of a comic strip sequence with
information arranged in four columns: 1) the comic strip
dialogue, 2) stage directions, 3) the imagined interior dialogue
of one character, 4) the imagined interior dialogue of the second

TITLE: a. Questions that Occurred to oneself During the Class Period
b. Questions Asked Aloud During a Day
c. Discussion of Questions Asked Aloud During a Day
DESCRlPTION: Students recorded the questions that occurred to them during
the class period, all the questions that they found themselves
asking aloud during the day, and added their comments.

TITLE: Transcript
DESCRIPTION: Students recorded an hour-long conversation in which they
participated and transcribed a 10-minute segment. The reports
included an introduction, a description of the notation system
used in transcribing, stage directions, an analysis (turntaking,
transactional idioms, topical content, participant activities),
and an interpretation.


SEMESTER: Spring 1977

TITLE: My Talk
DESCRIPTION: Students prepared a transcript segment of a dinner table

conversation in which they were a participant, and annotated
the transcript.
TITLE: My Daily Round
DESCRIPTION: Students prepared a log of their activities during a 24-hour
period, from the time they got up in the morning till the
following morning. Each entry contained the following
information: When? How long? Where? Who? Occasion?
Nature of activity?

TITLE: My Standardized Imaginings
DESCRIPTION: This assignment is divided into the following five sections:
1) Interior Dialogue, 2) Feeling Arguments, 3) Fantasy/
Daydream Episodes, 4) The Elevated Register, 5) Routine
Concerns: Selected Inventories. Students prepared paragraph
descriptions from events on their daily round
(Cf. NO12 Instructions for A3signments, Psy 322, Spring 1977)

TITLE: My Community of Relationships
DESCRIPTION: This assignment is comprised of the following four sections:
1) Noticing observations, 2) Descriptions of Transactions,
3) Reporting Joint Activities, 4) Non-Joint Activities. Students
prepared paragraph descriptions of their activities on their
daily round.
(Cf. NO12 Instructions for Assignments, Psy 322, Spring 1977)


SEMESTER: Fall 1977

TITLE: Research Report 1 - Recording Interior Dialogue
DESCRIPTION: Students tape-recorded the thoughts that occurred to them

in the course of a day and reported their observations about
their recordings. A record of their daily round accompanied
their report. Types of thoughts recorded were impressions,
fantasies, judgments, decisions, conversations, etc.

TITLE: Research Report 2 - Diagram Your Knowledge
DESCRIPTION: Students were instructed to diagram their knowledge--personal,
social, academic--in several specific ways: by making lists,
charts, diagrams, geometric representations, analogies, tree
diagrams, and conceptual progressions or series.

TITLE: Research Report 3 - Why Can't They Do It Another Way?
DESCRIPTION: Students interviewed cohabitants, car-mates, and 'phone pals'
for instances where people said to themselves "Why can't
they do it another way?" and the actions taken. They in-
cluded descriptions of incidents and occasions, and of the
rationale for action taken. The analysis took the form of
charts which were discussed in the report.

TITLE: Research Report 4 - What Should Social Psychology Be?
DESCRIPTION: Students answered the question by 1) scanning current texts
and professional journals in social psychology, 2) interviewing
members of the community, 3) reviewing their lecture notes
and course work. The discussion included tables and charts.

TITLE: Inventory Questionnaire
DESCRIPTION: Students completed a personal opinion inventory questionnaire
(prepared for a pending Ph. D. dissertation) designed to
measure the "positivity or negativity" with which a person
views the world. The students commented on their reactions
after completing the survey.


SEMESTER: Fall 1977

TITLE. Daily Feedback Sheets ("DFS")
DESCRIPTION: After every class students completed a form reporting (1) %

ratings for a) Preparation, b) Comprehension, c) Satisfaction,
and d) Intrinsic Interest; and (2) their answers to questions
asked by Dr. James during the lectures; and (3) their
comments and messages to the professor.

TITLE: Messages on Research Reports
DESCRIPTION: Students read each others' research reports and wrote
reactions and messages to the authors.

TITLE: Lecture Outlines
DESCRIPTION: Students listened to tape recordings of class lectures, and
outlined the lectures.

TITLE: Extra Projects
DESCRIPTION: Miscellaneous projects planned jointly by professor and


SEMESTER: Fall 1977

TITLE: Research Report 1- Daily Round Sociomap
DESCRIPTION: Students in Psychology 397 prepared a Daily Round Log and

drew a map representing their comings and goings for the day.

TITLE: Research Report 2 and 3 -
DESCRLPTION: Students in Psychology 397 surveyed several of their courses
by filling out Daily Feedback Sheets (DFS) during five consecutive
lectures. Data include overall personal ratings (preparation,
comprehension, satisfaction, intrinsic interest) and various
comments on the lecture. Students analyzed and discussed the

TITLE: Inventory Questionnaire (397)
DESCRIPTION: (see ref. # F77//EE)

TITLE: Daily Feedback Sheets (DFS) (397)
DESCRIPTION: (see ref. # F77//FF)

TITLE: Messages on Research Reports
DESCRIPTION: (see ref. # F77//GG)

TITLE: Lecture Outlines
DESCRIPTION: (see ref. # F77//HH)

TITLE: Extra Projects
DESCRIPION: (see ref. # F77//II)






1A1 Current Status in Community
1A2 Background
1A3 Topic Focus
1A4 Personal
-------1A4.1 Ambitions
-------1A4.2 Favorites
-------1A4.3 Fears

2A1 Analysis of Argument Logic
-------2A1.1 Schema of Argument Structure
-------2A1.2 Description of Operational Talking Procedures
-------2A1.3 Schema of Behavior Strategies in Talk
2A2 Analysis of Relationship
-------2A2.1 Case History
-------2A2.2 Relationship Dynamics
-------2A2 3 Tabulation of Pair Types
-------2A2.4 Tabulation of Role Types
2A3 Analysis of Sequence
-------2A3.1 Schema for Move Embeddings
-------2A3.2 Tabulation of Adjacency Relations
2A4 Analysis of Setting
-------2A4.1 Discourse: Analysis
-------2A4.2 Tabulation of Derivative Relations
-------2A4.3 Tabulation of Implicit Meanings
-------2A4.4 Tabulation of the Rhythm of Exchange
-------2A4.5 Transactional Engineering Through Talk
2A5 Analysis of Topic
-------2A5.1 Breakdown of Topics Exchanged
-------2A5.2 Topical Annotations
-------2A5.3 Topical Chart of Transcript
-------2A5.4 Topicalization Dynamics
2A6 Transcript Annotations
-------2A6.1 Explanations
-------2A6.2 Stage Directions


2B1 People I Live With
2B2 People Who Are My Immediate Family
2B3 People Who Are Extended Family
2B4 People Who Are Acquaintances of the Family
2B5 People I Know From Work
2B6 People Regularly Socialize With
2B7 People Who Have Provided Me with Professional Services
2B8 People Whose Change in Financial Status Would Affect My Financial Status
2B9 People Who Are Non-Intimates and Non-Family Whose I'll Health or Death
-----Would Affect Me
2B10 People Whom I Might Ask for a Recommendation
2B11 People Who Influences My Intellectual and Personal Maturity
2B12 People I Don't Know Personally But Whose Ideas Affect Me
2B13 People Who Have or Could Ask Me for a References
2B14 People I See Regularly for Service or Supplies
2B15 People I'd Like Currently to Meet
2B16 People I Know Whose I Quote or Stories I Tell
2B17 People Whom I Believe to be Admired by My Parents
2B18 People Whom I Know Who I See or Think About Only Rarely

3A1 Time
3A2 Duration
3A3 Place
3A4 Participants
3A5 Occasion
3A6 Nature of Activity
3B1 Overlays of Comments to Self
3B2 Value Expressions
3B3 Preparing Schedules
3B4 Reviewing/Making Plans and Lists
3B5 Emotionalizing Episodes
3B6 Rehearsals and Practicings
3B7 Annotations, Memorizing, Editings
3B8 Unmentionables Within the Relationship
3E1 Microdescriptions of Sensory Observations
-------3E1.1 Aches and Pains
-------3E1.2 Stretchings and Exercise
-------3E1.3 Blushing
-------3E1.4 Retinal Sensations, etc.
-------3E1.5 Appetite and Cooking
-------3E1.6 Energy Level
-------3E1.7 Smells and Odors
3F1 Figuring Out a Conflict
3F2 Making Resolutions
3G1 Elaboration of Dramatized Scenarios
3G2 Construction of Catharsis Stories
3G3 Re-contacting Nostalgic Memories
3G4 Working out Alternative Realities
3H1 Praying/Invocations
3H2 Altered States of Conciousness
3H3 Meditations/Reading of Scriptures
3H4 Poetic Expressions

--4A Who Am I
--4B What Am I
--4C How Am I
--4D What Do I Look to You

5A1 Invitations
5A2 Announcements
5A3 Subscriptions
-------5A3.1 Periodicals
-------5A3.2 Membership Dues
-------5A3.3 Contributions
5A4 Bills
5A5 Closets
5A6 Drawers
5A7 Objects
5A8 Documents and Mementos

5AB.1 Official/Legal/Medical
5AB.2 Personal/Biographical
-------5A8.2.1 Prizes
-------5A8.2.2 Letters
-------5A8.2.3 Gifts
-------5A8.2.4 Albums
-------5A8.2.5 Souvenirs
--5B ROUTINE CONCERNS: Selected Inventories
5A9.1 Purse/Wallet
5A9.2 Car Glove Compartment
5A9.3 Your Own Drawer for Stuff
5A9.4 Clothes Closet
--5B1 Privacy
5B1.1 From the EYES of Particular Others
5B1.2 From the NOSE of Particular Others
5B1.3 From the Ears of Particular Others
5B1.4 From the Knowledge of Particular Others

-------5B1.4.1 Involving Your Activities
5B1.4.1.1 Places
5B1.4.1.2 People
5B1.4.1.3 Purchases
5B1.4.1.4 Bills

-------5B1.4.2 Involving Your Ideas
5B1.4.2.1 Memories
5B1.4.2.2 Attitudes
5B1.4.2.3 Opinions
--5B2 Information: Record Keeping

5B2.1 Schedules
5B2.2 Shopping Lists
5B2.3 Date and Addresses Books
5B2.4 Check/Bank Books
5B2.5 Biographical
-------5B2.5.1 Diary
-------5B2.5.2 Notes
-------5B2.5.3 Resolutions
--5C1 Visual Sightings
5C1.1 Physical State/Appearance
5C1.2 Mood
5C1.3 Unmentionables Within the Relationships
5C1.4 Disoccasioned Mentionables
--5C3 Auditory Pickings-up
5C3.1 Overhears Snatches of Talk
5C3.2 Sounds, Noices
--5D1 Gossiping
--5D2 Catching Up on News
--5D3 Having an Argument
--5D4 Joking
--5D5 Exchanging Information
--5D6 Making Arrangement
--5D7 Working Out a Problem
--5D8 Sharing Secret/Confessions
--5D9 Routine Reviews/News of the Day
--5E1 Lied
--5E2 Avoided
--5E3 Persisted In
--5E4 Pursued
--5E5 Insisted On
--5F1 Problems
--5F2 Concerns
--5F3 Secrets
--5F4 Disoccasioned Topics
--5F5 Superstition
--About Appearance
--About Health
--About Diet
--Folk Wisdom
--5H1 Pet Peeves (self and others)
--5H2 Family Savings
--5H3 Nicknames (self and others)
--5H4 Personal (self and others)
--5H5 Regularized References to:
5H5.1 Time
5H5.2 Places
5H5.3 Events

--5I1 Places
--5I2 Circumstances of Crowding With
--5I3 Activities with Others
--5I4 Rights and Privileges
--5I5 Reputation
--5J1 Doing Something With Dates, Appointments
--5J2 Telephone Calls
--5J3 Writing/Receiving Notes, Letters, Memos, Ads, etc
--5J4 Paying Bills
--5K1 Doing a Task for Another Person
--5K2 Buying a Gift for Another Person
--5K3 Mentioning a Person to Someone
--5K4 Avoiding a Person
--5K5 Going to See/Looking for a Person
--5K6 Having a Mental Exchange with Someone


--6A1 Who Am I
--6A2 What Am I
--6A3 How Am I
--6A4 What Do I Look Like To You

Browsing Through the DRA. The DRA (= "Daily Round Archives") is a data bank which, like a library or department store, needs to be gone through in 0rder to assess its contents. Running up and down the aisles while shopping around and exploring represents a common strategy. Browsing and skimming through the DRA materials would therefore be a logical extension Of the same principles of familiarization through a strategy of scattered exploration. There are DRA "Selections;' deposited for your convenience at the Reserve Desk of Sinclair Library; ask for them under the title of this course, i.e., "Psychology 222."
As you walk around a department store, you look around. Your eyes go from people to walls, to articles, to your reflection in mirrors, and so on. It is fair to say that you are accumulating lists of impressions and lists of items as you walk around. The items in your lists may appear in sts (e.g., office chairs, printing cards, pens), they may have "annotations" attached (e.g., "there are the kind of baskets Julie is always looking for"), and they appear to oscillate in your memory. some you forget, some keep popping back in your mind at seemingly haphazard moments, and some you keep rehearsing silently to yourself to make sure they don't fade away (e.g., "I gotta remember to tell Julie about those baskets...").
Now consider going through the DRA materials. You look at one bound Volume, then another. You notice they are arranged by semester and year (e.g., "Fall 1977" or "Spring 1978", etc.). You observe that each bound volume collects together the work of several students on one type of assignment. F0r example, "Spring 1978" has collections of several types of assignments students completed in that semester and arranged in "series." In one series you'll find Research Reports 1 & 2 where students present information about themselves, their daily round activities and experiences ("Research Report 1"), after which they present, in "RR2," observations they make about each other. in another series for Spring 1978, you'll find the field notes Of the Student Committees, where they present what they've discussed and accomplished as ''task groups."
As you browse, read through, and skim you are left with an accumulation of impressions and items of fact. These may be evident in your "interior dialog," in your "discourse thinking," and in your "standardized imaginings"-- these expressions indicate the ways persons think and talk silently to them- selves using words (e.g., "Oh, oh, there is Dr. Tanaka. I hope he doesn't see me." or "This says $3.75, but the other one says $2.95. I wonder which is better? They look alike." etc.). With the DRA materials, your accumulated impressions and items of fact are undoubtedly selective, occur in sets, oscillate in your memory, and have your annotations attached.
"Gee, they sure did a lot of work. All that typing! Oh, it's interesting how that person is both attracted to girls yet seems to avoid them. He is Chinese. Hmm. And that girl knows so many people! It's amazing there are so many people from Kailua High! There is another one--so many who think exactly the same sorts of things r do, it's weird! I don't think these lecture notes are any good. None of these tables make any sense. Oh, I know that person!....etc."

Getting familiarized with a new shopping center or store becomes a routine habit which we can execute automatically. This is because we already have available both the components of the activity (walking around, accumulating facts, working, touching, asking) and how the components fit together into a unitary whole. The integration of the component activities into a whole is insured by the natural community setting which provides for the maintenance and support of shopping centers, shopping, talking about it, doing it with others, obeying rules of conduct, traffic, etc. These routines of activities are naturally integrated in your childhood socialization and work/school pattern of assimilation. This is not the case fur the activities involving the use of the DRA Here you are confronted with a novel experience. There is a need therefore to learn about the components of using the DRA and how these components get integrated into a meaningful whole.
One of the simplest yet most va1uable techniques to practice is the making or recording of an annotation to a data segment. The annotation should always identify the data segment you are focusing on by giving the identity number of the report, the semester/year, the title of the task, and page number. This will insure that your annotation will be meaningful and informative to you later, and as well, to someone who reads your annotation. Thus, two things are accomplished when you record an annotation to an identified data segment: first, you are making explicit to yourself that which otherwise may remain contracted or unattended to ("unaware;" "unconscious;" "automatic"); second, you are creating a permanent record of your reactions impression, or comment. Thus, annotations linked to data and to observations, constitute a major category of information to be found in DRA data. "Annotations about annotations about annotations" could thus be a picturesque and accurate description of the DRA collection. It is therefore important for you to understand the real role and function of annotations in our daily lives and in the functioning of society. Consider the following illustration. The data segment was prepared by a student enrolled in Psychology 397 in the Spring of 1378.

This data segment has the following identification markers: [Spring 1978; Psych 397; No. 52; My Standardized Imaginings; pages 1-3.]

The following annotations suggest themselves to us as we read this DRA piece:

Annotations (illustrative)
1) This is a piece dealing with standardized imaginings and follows the format in Sections 9.3.III. of the Workbook (2nd Edition) (James & Nahl, 1978).

2) This data segment has the following thematic and topical organization:

__I. Interior Dialog

A. Overlays of comments to self.
__1. Figuring out if boyfriend is going to come and visit.
__2. Giving herself a pep talk about goofing off in school work.

B. Unmentionables within the relationship.
__1. Can't say to roommate the noise she's making disturbs her studying.
C. Preparing Schedules.
__1. Recovering from feeling too anxious about all of the school work left to be done.

__II. Feeling Arguments
__1. Chewing herself out for writing too long and having to
____type school work at 2:00 a.m. and promising herself
____never to do that again.

__III. Fantasy/Daydream Episodes
__ 1. Projecting herself to the time after graduation, lying on a
_____Maui beach with her boyfriend.
__ 2. Projecting herself into an overflying airplane and traveling.

__IV. Routine Concerns
1. Falling asleep in her sociology class and worrying about being noticed.
3. As we review the topical content of the eight paragraph entries, we note that they each document a particular social occasion which we recognize. We have given a one sentence title to every paragraph. These titles are in effect situational specifications, i.e., what the reader has to be told to be able to reconstruct the situation involved in the paragraph report. Note that to reconstruct the situation depicted in each paragraph entry, the reader must use both the title given and the category under which it appears. For example, the title "Falling asleep in her sociology class and worrying about being noticed." occurs here under the category of Routine Concerns. We conclude that the event actually happened. If, however, the same title were presented under the Category of Fantasy/Daydream Episodes, it would not be referring to an occasion of having fallen asleep, but to another occasion, that of imagining oneself falling asleep in a sociology class.
4. The Witness who presented this data segment, comments on the effects of having prepared it. We paraphrase her observations as follows: (i) focusing on one's thoughts in an effort to record them, brings about the realization that such thought, occur all the time, yet go unnoticed by the person; (ii) such reporting saves, for later information, specific ideas and thoughts that occurred to one, which otherwise would be lost.

5. This data segment documents Once again a consistent trend we've noticed in the DRA data; namely, the fact that components of one's daily round activities, thoughts, and noticings are standardized. This means that the details of one? person's subjective life are made of the same social components as those of another person. This standardization is apparant in our conduct when we behave appropriately in a situation. 3ecause of this standardization, the meaning of activities can be shared Communication is possible because we talk about known settings and known behaviors in those settings.
Thus, this data-segment on "My Standardized Imaginings" documents a number of social occasions familiar to us and to our students.
It might be helpful at this point to picture visually the relation between these annotations and the data segment so as to clarify their function and importance for social psychology.

This table depicts the relation between DRA data segments (in double lined boxes) to social events (single lined boxes). Each DRA data segment is an annotation by a Witness of an observed social occasion. But the fact that a particular social occasion was observed and recorded by a Witness is itself a fact or a social event. This secondary fact is brought out by an annotation, such as those we have given above (box B) or those that future students and readers may give (box C). But data segments A, B, and C are at once annotations and, as well, social events (boxes a - e). Thus annotations and social events and functionally related to each other: given annotations, one can reconstruct social events; given social events, one can construct annotations.
The next table presents our analysis of a section of DRA data containing "Student Committee Reports," i.e. reports prepared by a task group regarding their activities.

Titles: name; course; Comm. Report #2.

S1: Handout #2 was dittoed and given to class to fill out
S2: They were returned and this Witness alphabetized them.
S3: Two copies will be xeroxed, one for the library, the other for the instructor

Titles: name; Comm. Report #2

S1:This committee's second project was to make up a questionnaire for the class which would provide information on class members
S2: The committee got together and discussed the questionnaire's contest
S3: A Questionaire was made up and 200 copies dittoed.
S4: They are being collated; the issue of how to file them is being considered

Titles: name course, instructor; Comm. No. and Title; Comm. Report #2

S1: The committee held a meeting at Gartley and decided on the format of a questionnaire and the date of its distribution to the class.
S2: The questionnaire concerned general information that individuals in class would provide about themselves to the others.
S3: Sharing of this information among class members will strengthen the community feeling.
S4: The Questionnaire was handed out to class on 4-25-978.

Titles: name

S1: This committee's second assignment was to gather information about each class member.
S2: A Questionnaire was made up for the class to fill out.
S3: The questionnaire was to serve as a mean for the class members to get to know one another

The Piecing Together of Information
by Task Group Witnessess

CCP's: Information Being
Kept Track of Explicitly
1 2 3 4
1. The Comm. met at Gartley

2. The Comm. met to discuss the format of a questionnaire

3. The quest. was the Comm.'s second project

4. The quest. is to provide info on class members

5. The quest. is to strengthen community relations through
providing info on one another

6. The Comm. decided on a date for handing out the quest

7. The Comm. decided on a format and made up the quest

8. The quest. was dittoed

9. 200 copies were dittoed

10. The quest. was distributed

11 The date was distributed on was 4/25-1978

12. The filled out quest. were returned to the Comm.

13. Witness 1 alphabetized the returned quest

14. The Comm. is collating the returned forms

15. Two Xerox copies of the forms will be made: one for
the library the other for the instr

16. The Comm. is considering tha issue of how to file the info
- - + -

- @ - -

- + - +

- + @ +

- - * *

- - + -

- + + @

+ * - -

- * - -

+ - # -

- - # -

@ - - -

@ - - -

- # - -

* - - -

- # - -


+ = occurrence of the annotation in the first sentence
- = annotation does not occur
@ = occurrence in the second sentence
* = occurrence in the third sentence
# = occurrence in the forth sentence

One's position as an individual is buttressed by the consciousness of community. We derive our values and criteria of right judgments from tradition and precedent. We know deep down in cur thinking that we cannot survive on our Own. We cannot inhibit feelings of admiration for those who possess the talents we want Even the staunchest independent, even the mass killer, derives safety from somewhere in community life. Thus, the individual's ultimate source of social legitimacy is to be derived from consciousness of community.
The issue we want to deal with is how this mechanism operates in our daily lives. The behavioral manifestations of social legitimacy may be defined in field theory terms as spiritual work, energy of action, and interpersona1 influence or the power to attract others. History evidences that great men and popular leaders influence others through their personal strength. Thus, very high degrees of social acceptance are functionally related to the power to attract.
Social legitimacy is therefore a personal, biographical trait that goes together with high degrees of acceptance by others, and influence over them. Social illegitimacy operates in the opposite direction: it weakens personal strength. Feelings of doing wrong shake your resolve to transgress. Lack of acceptance by others drives you into feelings of isolation and peripheral involvement.
You can gain a better understanding of this psychodynamic function by discovering the social occasions where you say things (to another or to yourself) that are self-deprecating, i.e., where you enact the delusion of self-illegitimacy. Let's examine a few reports where students of Psychology 222 describe the social occasion of blushing. This is relevant to understanding the delusion of the illegitimate self since blushing is an occasion for strong self-deprecations, and therefore, we would expect that the person's usual social legitimacy suffers. The first sample gives an indication of the extreme effects of ordinary blushing.

Sample 1 (DRA, Spring 1977)

"I am sitting with a group of girls at a meeting and in a moment Of silence one of the girls mentions the name of the boy I like very much. I turn my head as if not to notice. Some of the girls look at me and I look down at my feet. I feel the blood running to my cheeks. My cheeks feel warm, the warmth spreading to my forehead and the sides of my face, and finally to my chin, except for my nose. My eyes move around as if I don't care or didn't hear. I start to breathe at a faster rate. I try to show no expression in my face. I am neither smiling nor am I glum. I am just passive."
"One Of the girls mentions the name of the boy I like very much."--and Boom! Blood is rushing and tinting new places (especially the face, the loss of face!) Breathing accelerates. The mind is frantic, imposing upon the

self extreme forms of dislocation, Of altering profoundly the significance of one's presence. In fact, one is no longer authentically present: "try to show no expression in my face. I am neither smiling nor am I glum. I am just passive." It is clear that the activity of blushing has diminished in extreme form the felt social legitimacy of this witness.

Sample 2 (DRA, Spring 1977)

"We are in the parking lot for Magic Island, unloading our cars. Someone drops a 6-pack of beer and someone else starts cussing him out. They are both swearing at each Other, and for some reason I feel embarrassed and look away, pretending I didn't see what happened, nor hear what's happening."

Question: What happens to one's sense of social legitimacy when "pretending I didn't see what happened, nor hear what's happening"? The next person documents the contrast between making like nothing is happening and what actually is happening.

Sample 3 (DRA, Spring 1977)

"As we are walking up the steps in Waikiki #2, I stumble and fall on the way up the stairs. Lucky for me it was dark, so I nonchalantly pick myself up and made like nothing had happened. But inside I felt like a clumsy fool. While Sandy was laughing at me I couldn't say a thing cause I felt so embarrassed. After finding 2 open seats, and getting seated, I feel much better, out of the spotlight."

The social occasions that trigger these extreme physical reactions are both ordinary and innocuous. Students of Psychology 222 blush under the following conditions:

(i) they fall down steps on their way to class;
(ii) boys bumping into girls, and vice versa, when rushing around a bend;
(iii) getting umbrellas stuck;
(iv) mistaking a stranger for an acquaintance;
(v) lighting the filter end of a cigarette;
(vi) being focused on in class;
(vii) being found out that you've been secretly looking at someone or

some place;
(viii) finding out that someone has been looking at you when you didn't know;
(ix) wearing new clothes with forgotten price tags;
(x) being seen un-made-up unexpectedly;
(xi) making a mistake and being laughed at for it;
(xii) many others--check DRA data, for Spring 1977.

The next four samples are some more concrete cases.

Sample 3 (DRA, Spring 1977)

"Me and my two friends were discussing the Academy Award nominations when I said I didn't know how Carrie Snodgrass got nominated for her role in Carrie. They laughed and told me, 'Smart, you, wasn't Carrie Snodgrasss was Cissy Spacek or some- thing.' Then I realized the mistake I made. I felt so embarrassed and I could feel myself getting warm. At this time I felt like the dumbest person in the world."

Sample 4 (DRA, Spring 1977)

"The professor is telling the class about the difference between voluntary and involuntary muscles in meat. I remember that I learnt something about that in biology a long time ago and I decide to share it with the class. I put my hand up and the professor points to me. I say, "Isn't it true that in poultry, the involuntary muscles are the white meat and the voluntary muscles are the dark?" I hear a quick stifled laugh and a giggle behind me; suddenly, I am not so sure of myself anymore. I feel a tightening in my chest and throat, my pupils contract and my face feels hot. I dare not look around and I pretend that nothing has happened. I look at the professor. He seems to take my point seriously but he disagrees with it. I nod, as if in agreement, and I keep quiet. Slowly, I begin to relax but I cannot get rid of that little knot of tightness in my chest. I still think that I am right."

Sample 5 (DRA, Spring 1977)

"I am in a room at Porteus Hall where one wall is made completely of glass, thereby allowing everyone to see in and vice versa. I stretch my body in an unnatural position and look up to see three people staring at me. I instantly resort to a "normal" position and feel hot flashes in the back of my shoulders and in my neck. I sit there making believe that nothing is the matter yet wondering of the reactions of the three."

Sample 6 (DRA, Spring 1977)

"My husband and I are at a military party being welcomed to the group over cocktails. We have to cross the room and go to the head table as our names are called out. As I hear our names called I feel my mouth tighten, and my neck feels hot, my forehead begins to feel moist near my hair line. The palms of my hands are moist and they feel like lead weights hanging down at my sides."

The loss of poise weakens the individual and neutralizes one's presence. There is a gap of authenticity created between the public self and the private self. One's social legitimacy is damaged; one's self-legitimacy is shot to pieces. Question: What is the mechanism that empowers social occasions with such overwhelming power? We would like you to look at some evidence that shows the important function of the idea of privacy, and how the private/public dichotomy, serves to maintain the power of social occasions over people's emotions and physical reactions. Consider the following brief exchanges reported by a student of Psychology 222 in Spring 1976:

Sample 1 (DRA, Spring 1976)

Setting: Outside of Hamilton Library

Karen: "Hi Glenda. Where are you going?"

Glenda "Oh, Hi! Bio-Med."

Karen: "You got a class there?"

Glenda "No, I work there."

Karen: "Oh, you'd better go before you're late."

Glenda: "Where are you going?"

Karen : "To the library to study."

Glenda: "Well I hate to just rush off now but I've really got to go.

So, I'll see you later. Bye."

Karen: "Yea, See you."

As the transcript reads, the situation is familiar enough to all of us. But now, what would happen if we could get at the private overlap Of self-talk that goes on during our public conversations? How does what we say in privacy to ourselves relate to what we say publicly to others? The above assignment was carried out as students went out to have brief exchanges with someone, after which they doubled back and asked the person to help write down a reconstruction of what each person said in privacy while the public exchange was taking place. Here is what Karen and Glenda reconstructed:





Karen sees Glenda approaching from the stairs to the right of her. Speaks when Glenda is about seven feet away

There's Glenda. I wonder where she's going. I'll ask her when she comes closer

I wonder what I'll have to do at work today. I hope more medical applications come so I'll have som ething to do.
0.03 Karen: "Hi Glenda Where are you going? Karen smiles. I wonder if she's going to answer me, if she heard me that is. I'd feel stupid if she didn't. Oh! There's Karen. I haven't seen her in ages. She looks different , she must have curled her hair.
0.05 Glenda: "Oh, Hi! Bio-Med." After hearing her name. Glenda looks to her left and sees Karen and acknowledges the greeting as she walks towards Karen. Both stop walking and start talking facing one anothe r I must have surprised her. She's going to Bio-Med. I wonder if she's got a class there. I'll ask her. I wish I could stay longer and talk but I have to go to work. Better let her know why I'm headed there.
0.07 Karen: "You got a class there?"   She must have a class there. Why else would she go there. Now that she's asked I can tell her instead of bringing up the subject and sounding like I don't want to talk to her.

0.10 Glenda: "No, I work there." Glenda points in the general direction of the Bio-Medical Building. Oh, she works there. That's a far walk. I better not keep her or she'll be late for work. I wonder where she's going. Probably to Hamilton but I'll ask anyway.
0.12 Karen: "Oh, You'd better go before you're late."   I don't want her to be late for work. I can talk t o her latter. Nah! It doesn't matter if I'm a couple of minutes late. The main think is that I show up
0.16 Karen: "To the library to study." Karen points to Hamilton Library only a few feet away. Well, time to study. At least its better than working through. I was right. Well, I've really got to go. Don't want to keep her from doing anything.
0.20 Glenda: "Well, I hate to just rush off now but I've really got to go. So, I'll see you later. Bye." Glenda waves good-bye and starts to walk away in the direction of Moore Hall. She's going to work now. I wonder what she does there.That Karen! She's always hitting the books. No wonder she gets good grades.
0.23 Karen: "Yea, See you." Karen waves and heads towards the doors of Hamilton Library. I'll ask her what she does at work. Now for the books. Hop to see her soon Better start running. Got a long way to go yet.

This report reminds one of comic book-sty1e "balloon" talk. Could it be that interior dialog and comic book strips have a connection? Do comic books condition our self-talk, or do writers of comics make their characters think out loud as we think privately to ourselves?

In this next sample, one gets the impression that two conversations are taking place. What is striking about this is the fact that the private lines also appear to fit with one another even though they are not spoken out loud.

Sample 2 (DRA, Spring 1976)

  HE: Hi! You bought you Psy 112 book? The door was open and he walked into the room. He is one of my neighbors in my dorm who is in my psychology class. I was sitting down, listening to the radio. Oh, it's nice to see someone. I was getting a little bored. Oh, she's in. She looks comfortable sitting there.
  ME: No. I didn't have time to go to the bookstore yet. He moved towards the desk. I was still sitting down, watching to see what he was going to do. I got to work so I don't have time to go buy my books yet, maybe later tomorrow. Yea. The Bookstore is crowded at this time.
  HE: That means you never start reading the first chapter yet. Smart yeh? I went figure that one out all by myself! He turned back to face me and stood by the desk He moved across the room to sit on my roommate's bed. I turned so I could see him. Yea? Really? Sure, sure. I wonder when we have to finish reading the first chapter.
  ME: Ha! Ha! You think you're funny! I had a sarcastic look on my face. He's getting a bit bighead. I wonder if she knows what the assignment is, if any?
  HE: I know I funny man . You went look at the syllabus yet? Both of us were laughing. I knew he was joking. What's he talking about? Maybe I should ask her.
  ME What syllabus? I looked a little puzzled. Maybe he means for Psy 112. What other syllabus would I be talking about?
  HE: For the class. He had a surprised look on his face. Oh, he did mean for Psy 112. Maybe she doesn't know.
  ME: No. He looked down. I never even touched that paper yet. I guess she doesn't know.
  HE: Oh you better. Bye I going study now. He stood up and waved and le ft the room. I got uo and shut the door. I guess I better study too. I guess I'd better be going.

We don't know to what extent the attempted reconstructions in this kind of assignment are artificial or invalid. One must rely on One's own self- observations on the daily round. Whatever the case may be in these particular samples, they do help focus or a most important feature of ordinary interior dialog: namely, that they are often delusiona1. This feature is particu1arly visible in the next two samples.

TABLE, LOOKING FOR AN EPISODE. Sample 3 (DRA, Spring 1976)

0.00   He is resting his head on his shoulder. I know he really doesn't want to do this. He's leaning on his arm because he's bored. I better say something. Probably just a premonition that I really don't want to do this, but I'll try to add to this assignment anyway.
0.03 Did you go surfing today? (She)   I'll talk about something that interests him. Surfing. He loves to talk about that. Now things should start rolling. Typical question. Obvious tactics by her. At least she could have brought it up more subtlely.
0.04 Yeah, I went surfing. (He)   Well, I thought I'd get more of a response than that. But I guess it will have to do. There. I answered the question. Not too elaborate perhaps. Maybe by my disinterest she will change the subject.
0.12   He laughs. I think he's beginning to enjoy this since he's laughing. That's really good. I know it will be a lot easier on him to help me do this assignment. Heard a funny program co ming on in the other room, so let's get this session going.
0.15 How were the waves? (She)   He's still smiling so I know surfing is a good thing to talk about. Now hopefully he'll play the game right since he's not so negative about it. Keep talking about surfing. Hey, this is really hard. I know I'm blowing it for her.
0.18 The waves were outstanding. (He)   I wonder if he's just saying that. Maybe the waves were rotten but he just wants to say that to make the episo de look good. Very frivelous comment. Can't she ask or make a comment with ingenuity? Politics or Economics? Something else please.
0.19   Resting his head on his hand again. Uh-Oh! Something is wrong. He must be bored for some reas on. That sure was fast. He was just laughing a little while ago. I'll try and find out what's going on. This episode makes me sound very limited. Like the only subject that keeps my attention is surfing. That's the image I'm trying to get away fro m, but it keeps reoccuring. Sad but true
0.23 Are you ready to quit or something? (She) She had an aggravated look. Hopefully, he'll say no. I need to find out whether or not he wants to continue. I should have picked a partner in class after all. Really don't want to quit, but don't want to give suggestions on better topics. Can't do that diplomatically. Don't like this topic.
0.24 Yes, I'm tired. (He)   Shit. At least now I know he really didn't enjoy the episode. But, I wonder what he was laughing about earlier. Well, now it's over and I'll find out. I shouldn't have said I was tired, but I felt I had to have an excuse. I think she's the one that wants to quit but blaming it on me

Webster's defines to delude as "to mislead" or "to fool" someone by giving "wrong notions." Latin de- = from + ludere = to play, sport.) What is so striking about social interactions is the extent to which one person tries to delude the other; through making out like nothing is happening (as in the blushing cases, earlier); through covering up, pretending, controlling one's appearance, conforming on the outside while repelling on the inside. By witnessing your own delusional attempts, you may gain a deeper understanding of the social forces that create occasions in which you are a willing pawn. It may also help remind you that while a person is talking to you, the words and gestures displayed for your benefit may have a private shadow of a very different shape.

The idea of privacy thus has two edges: one edge cuts off visibility and protects us from social consequences; the other edge, cuts off contact and keeps us separated from communion with others. In such situations as when we lose poise, privacy helps strengthen delusional attempts to keep others from knowing our predicament. The possibility needs to be explored, with empirical data, that delusional interpersonal behavior makes one inauthentic, and weakens the person's spiritual strength and power of influence over others. One needs to investigate the extent to which inauthenticity and delusional behavior operate in the ordinary and recurrent situations of the daily round.

Synopsis 13: The Daily Round Archives -- DRA.

Kurt Lewin used this expression to underline his belief that all behavior was a function of the forces in a social setting--hence the "social" dependency of behavior. This principle was contrasted with the belief held by "personality measurement" psychologists that behavior is a function of internal factors relating to an individual's habits Of reasoning and reacting to social stimuli. We call the emphasis on the setting as referring to ethnodynamic forces, while psychodynamic forces are involved in the emphasis on the individual's internal characteristics. Both types of forces are involved in the natural history of the daily round approach (= sociodynamics). In actuality, all psychologists acknowledge both types of forces, but the so-called "cognitivists" see the recurrence of characteristic behavior across different social settings (i.e. personal identity = personality traits), while the "behaviorists" see the recurrence of social forces (= reinforcers) across different individuals (i.e. personal identity = social dependency).
"Behavior assessment" is the term used by behaviorists to refer to the attempt to isolate the social influences acting to produce an individual's behavior. Though this approach enjoys the reputation of being most "scientific,'' many psychologists feel that humanistic conceptions and issues are left out because of the restrictions inherent to the behavioristic methodology. This course of study attempts to extend the rigorousness of behaviorism to natural history of the daily round, including such community issues as witnessing, praying, healing, laughing, blushing, interior dialog, and others. As a result, this approach to the study of social psychology is a "scientific- humanism" and may be seen by some as "radically different." We feel that deep analysis, direct observation, and personal annotation are better instructional techniques than the cursory examination of the most popular topics one finds in more usual textbooks on social psychology.

Bird Stories (12) by Leon James

When we get to know another individual, whether person, dog, or bird, we gain precise information on what the individual's range of reactivity is to changes in the environment The environmental changes include time-of the day and level of adaptation, i.e., what is perceived by that individual as the state of normalcy. Any variation within the normalcy range evokes strong adjustment behavior until adaptation occurs.
In two previous stories (10 and 11) I have described the daily round pattern of the birds in our backyard aviary. During the regular mid-day low, roughly between 10:30 and 1:30, the birds of all four species (i.e., cockatiels, lovebirds, Java Rice birds, and parakeets) engage in a mostly solitary activity during which each stays in its own place and appears intensely involved in itself. At these times, the individual birds show a low reactivity to external stimuli, either the surrounds of the aviary, or the presence of other birds inside (see graph in story #l0). What on earth are the birds doing?
They are not sleeping, that's for sure, as can easily be observed by the intense twitching of their bodies, and the rhythmic up-and-down movement of their heads. The eyes remain open, and there comes forth from inside the articulatory apparatus, a constant noise(?) or sound that continually varies in intensity from whispering to a strident staccato chirping. This sound is easily distinguishable from singing, calling out, whistling, etc., all of which appear outer-directed. Instead, this kind of chirping is non-monotonous, discordant, and appears inward-directed. The label I use to refer to this activity is "praying."
Of course, I do not mean this in the same sense as the praying we do ordinarily, since I know nothing about the language of the birds, except that it is plain to me, that it springs from a similar well, the involvement of the ordinary self with something higher and beyond. What is the beyond for a bird? We can only wonder, conjecture, and imagine.
Variations of the above theme occur, though without altering its apparent significance. At times, the praying-chirping proceeds intensely as the bird faces a backwall (an infrequent act) and moves its head up and down, touching the wall with the beak, sometimes knocking against it. Once in a while, among the parakeets, two individuals (especially male-male dyads) would treat each other as if they were each "the backwall," facing each other at close quarters, heads bobbing up and down, and beaks knocking once in a while. At still other times--this, especially among the lovebirds--the whole community lines UD on a perch, a11 facing in the same direction, and chirping intensely as a dis-coordinated chorus, each body twitching and jerking, but remaining in one spot.
Do you have any interpretations?

Glossary of concepts for the
Methodology of Daily Round Data

BIOGRAPHIC RECORD = objectified natural history of a person's social existence
BIOENGINEERING = know how relating to the business of living
LIFE CYCLE = stages of development in a person's biographic record
DAILY ROUND DATA = objectified reporting or "witnessing" of one's reportable

WITNESSING = reporting and annotating one's on-going experience by giving
descriptions according to a priorly specified format
FORMAT OF REPORTING DAILY ROUND DATA = through instructions and training
the witness produces oral or written "
microdescriptions" in designated areas of experience
MICRODESCRIPTIONS = the technique of spontaneously producing "situational
discourse" through involvement in regular, normalized
circumstances of living
THE HEXAGRAM OF BIOGRAPHIC RECORD = the formalized series of categories
that catalogue and classify the specific information
obtainable from objectified witnessings;
this is an empirically derived
taxonomy reflecting the record keeping
practices characterizing any community.
keeping practices learned through literacy
or schooling and evident in the
organization of spontaneous discourse
LOCAL ETHNOGRAPHY = the sum total of available information in a community and

organized into a catalogued collection called DRA or DAILY
DRA or DAILY ROUND ARCHIVES = data bank of general and investigative
daily round data; empirically derived classification
systems are derived from l'ethnosemantics"
a generalized involvement or a specific
one when recording a micro-description; the
specific "topic focus" to be attended to and
reported, is specified by theformat instructions
TOPIC FOCUS = areas of observations designated by the format of reporting
given in the instructions to the witness and referring to regular
categories ordinarily kept track of by one's peers on the
daily round
DAILY ROUND TAXONOMY = categories of information available through shifting
one's topic focus during the spontaneous production of
descriptions of on-going involvements; these categories
are arranged in a hierarchy called "the hexagram of
biographic record"


Kurt Lewin's persistent message to his colleagues, that in which he prevailed and was so successful in giving contemporary social psychology its direction, was what he aptly termed ''the social dependency of behavior" (e.g., 1939, quoted in Lewin, 1951, p. 130). This point needed to be made. and won in- as much as experimental psychology inclined heavily towards the physiological dependency of behavior. This is the context within which modern psychology became a science shortly prior to the turn of the century, i.e. the context 0fphysiology (e.g., Pavlov) and psychophysics (e.g., Helmholz, Fechner). The focus was almost exclusively centered 'within the within' of the individual--his brain, his sensory mechanisms, his reactions to laboratory stimuli, his autonomic responses and conditionability, his perceptual consistencies and breakdowns (as in illusions), his ability to memorize, and so on. You no doubt recognize these topics because they continue to form the bulk of the general literature of psychology and are taught in 100-level courses and appear in popular magazines. It is this context of experimental psychology that gave rise, at the turn of the century, to the notion of personality testing and intelligence. These tests depended on the rationale that the individual has a stable performance characteristic, i.e. that his observable behavior was an Outcome of "internal traits" that are "stable and enduring." he trick therefore, was to find tests that would measure these internal traits; then, people scoring higher would be expected to perform better. The possibility of this "trick"--or methodology, was of great and exciting interest to society: indeed, a community or organization could greatly benefit by a procedure (short and cheap) which makes it possible to select individuals from a pool of available applicants or volunteers so as to insure fitness--the right man for the right job! We are all familiar with the enormous popularity of testing practices in our contemporary world--educational tests, personnel selection tests, tests of abilities and interests, personality tests, attitude tests, Opinion surveys, knowledge tests, self-tests, marriage compatibility tests, legal psychiatric tests, and so on.
Thus, physiological determinants of behavior were the focus of experimental psychology. As well, "abnormal" or clinical psychology derives from physiology, neurophysiology, pathology, genetics, and so on. Freud was a physician, and psychoanalysts today still go through medical school. But Freud's genius broke this close tie between the mind and the brain, and imported into psychology the insights of anthropologists, more particularly cultural anthropology. As a result of Freud's interests in symbolism, magic, superstition, myth, and dreaming, the psychodynamics that he spawned was a two-headed Hydra: the psychophysiological composition of the biologically-given stages of psychological (or "psycho-sexual") development of the personality.
Thus, Lewin's point of the purely social dependency of behavior needed to be made vigorously. He did so through, it is reported, his personal charisma and, as we can read today thirty years later, through the power of his schematisms (= diagrammatic notation system). We have noted that though his field-theory dynamics was generally and quite easily adopted in social

research, nevertheless the details of the notation system he invented (i. e., topological diagramming) remain unused. We feel that this rich tool of description should be learned as a means of systematic study of one's social environment. It is like a language or script that allows strict notations for mapping a situation or social occasion. We found that the utility of a strict notation system lies in its pragmatic productivity; that is, it allows better and more exact records of situational events.

We are already familiar with several types of strict notation systems: logic, algebra, geometry, tables, charts, forms, figures, maps, recipes, schedules, directories, catalogues, indices, and so forth. In each case there is an exact correspondence (or, a correspondence within known limits) of some social event and an expression in the designated notation system (script, code, language). For example, a schematic figure of the components of an amplifier allow you to "put it together" because there is an exact correspondence between the notation (picture, diagram, sequential assembly) and the event ("making an amplifier set that works"). Similarly, we can re-create an unfamiliar dish because there is an exact correspondence between an event ("here is my beef stroganoff") and a notation ("recipe").
You can now understand the reasons that prompt us to lay so much stress, in this course of study, on strict notation systems such as field-theory topology and ethnosemantics. Perhaps because of our background in the field of psycholinguistics, we are more open to the use of formal notation systems as these are part of the linguistic, sociolinguistic, and ethnolinguistic methodologies. As well, our background in ethnology (cultural anthropology, educational curriculum, ethnography, ethnomethodology) alerts us immediately to the socio-cultural component of behavior influences, as against the physiological/medical. Because our interests and goals lie in the natural history description of behavior in social settings, it becomes essential to arm ourselves with tools of recording, i.e., notation systems for describing what one witnesses during a social occasion.
We feel strongly that the future, as well as the present of social psychology, depends on the development of a natural history methodology; this means a notation system that is superior to ordinary description. Given a suitable notation system we can analyze the visible components of a situation, map these in charts, tables, or functional relations, and inspect the results. Inspection may take an intuitive form (in the case of visual graphics), or a statistical form (in the case of tables and numerical distributions). In both cases--intuitive and statistical inspection-- the "inspector" reads the language of the notation system by transforming the displays (graph, matrix) into verbal propositions or statements. Here lies the principal value of notation systems for social psychology; a social event, once notated (diagram; table) and annotated (verbal propositions), yields new knowledge about the situation. A good example is the emphasis we lay in this course on forms: the daily feedback form (DFF); the exercise forms that the Investigation Teams (IT's) use; the forms for reporting data in the daily round archives (DRA); the forms for tables and charts of research reports; and others.

An important point needs to be made here: Not all forms are strict notation systems. For example, any form that gathers recollected or summative discourse does not provide an exact correspondence between the form and the event; there is only a subjective correspondence between the event and the report. Ask a person how he's been feeling lately, and you get a report that is based on recollection of the day, or on an overall, "summative" evaluation. or ask a person whether he is in favor of restricting tourism on Oahu, and you get a report that may change a day later (the business opportunity opens up to switch his investments from an apartment building to a hotel ! ). Thus, verbal reports dealing with opinions, beliefs, assessments, evaluations, judgments, and the like (= PSYCHO- DYNAMICS) are functional sociopsychologically as behavior influences, but are not functional as notation systems. This is because there is not an exact cor- respondence between the report and the social event.

Cognitivist and Behavioristic Approaches. The study of personality by psychologists usually takes one of two forms, cognitivist or behavioristic. The cognitivist approach focuses on the "psychodynamic" forces that are posited "inside'' the individual's skin or brain ("mind"). This includes the work Of Freud and other psychoanalytically oriented theories. Entities such as Ego, Super Ego, and Id are reified components that interact dynamically and produce behavioral effects such as anxiety, neurosis, repression, Identification, and the like (see Rosenblatt and Thickstun, 1977). This has often been referred to by critics as the medical model since it presupposes the concept of normal vs. abnormal or "pathological" behavior. The other approach to the study Of personality, termed behavioristic, avoids inner forces that are unseen and unobservable, and focuses, instead, on the ethnodynamic forces that externally influence the individual's overt behavior. Both approaches, however, share the idea that an individual's behavior is a dynamic outcome of social forces ("sociodynamics"), and they differ only in terms of the believed origin of these influences: in one case, the origin is taken to be internal, and in the other, external. It would seem to us that both these approaches are necessary to accOunt for all of the features of individual variation. An up-to-date though brief survey of both approaches may be found in Krasner and *Ullman (1973, Ch. 3); it includes the predominant psychological and sociological theories of behavior, namely, psychoanalysis, behaviorism, social learning theory, drive theory, gestalt, phenomenology, interaction theory, and trait theory.
The psychodynamic approach to the study of behavior sets the definition of personality as "an enduring predisposition" to act, feel, or perceive in a particular manner. The person is thus seen as possessing personality traits; these are consistencies in ways of acting that the individual "carries around", so to speak, with him from situation to situation, and is responsible for his style of behaving - intelligently, effectively, expansively, sociably, and so on. Because these personality traits are persistent and isolatable, they are therefore measurable. This possibility has given rise to personality tests and inventories. They are the trade tools used by clinical and other psychologists who apply personality theories to therapy, diagnosis, selection, counseling, and the like.
The behavioristic approach sets the definition of personality as the individual's reactivity to particular social influences. Individuals are observed under known or "controlled" circumstances and their behavior noted. By varying the conditions, one can plot the individual's reactions ("dependent variable") as a function of the condition or change introduced in a controlled manner by the experimenter ("independent variable"). Through this strategy, the same individual can be observed under different conditions and the behavior Of different individuals are contrasted for the same condition. This technique is called behavior assessment. Behavioristic approaches of assessment are also used in applied psychologv and are widely used today in many settings to modify the behavior of people towards socially acceptable goals in a community - changing anti-social behavior, improving skills, strengthening desirable behaviors, and changing oneself ''self-modification of behavior".
The Social Influencing Process. In their latest work, behaviorists Krasner and *Ullman (1973) present what they call a sociopsychological theory of personality that revolves around the theme of the ''social influencing

process." The accompanying diagram summarizes their argument, as we understand it:

(Krasner & Ullman, Behavior Influence and Personality, 1973)

- biochemical

- electrical

- genetic

- dietary

- surgical

- sensory

- interpersonal
- sociocultural
- economic
- poliltical
- optimal
- methods of
- operant control
- placebo effects
- conforming
- modeling
- education
- hypnosis
- behavior theory
- desensitization
- aversion
- coercion
- ecological

- beneficial

- constructive

- labeling

- role of

- mental health

- utopias

- ethics

- standards

- licensing

- supervision

- values

- freedom

As you can see, Krasner & *Ullman (1973) distinguish between influencing techniques and strategies for monitoring the direction of control. There are medical and social techniques of influencing behavior. The "social" techniques include a variety of approaches based on the operant conditioning methods evolved by Skinner and the "Skinnerians." Here we find a great deal of overlap between the work of Skinnerian Behaviorists and social behaviorists: sociocultural influences (conforming, coercion, mass media, ecological and environmental psychology), experimentally induced influences (hypnosis, placebo effects, methods of pacing, optimal environment, behavior therapy, desensitization), and others.

Krasner & *Ullman (1973) insist that monitoring of influencing programs and techniques are essential to 'control the controllers.' Community based monitoring insures that control, manipulation, and induced changes are beneficial and constructive; labeling of control techniques and the role or status of the professional influencer are key factors. Morality based monitoring revolves around ethical issues, values, and basic freedoms; ways of insuring standards include licensing procedures, supervised training, and continuing education of the professional.

The next diagram summarizes the relation between the major 'work horse concepts used by the behavior influence technologists. These originate clear from Skinner's work and those of the Skinnerians. Students unfamiliar with these notions may consult Krasner & *Ullman (1973) or other texts found in their Bibliography.

Social Behaviorism and Sociopsychology. The language of technology and engineering applied to the control of individual behavior evidences the modern character of social behaviorism. It is well suited for use in a technological society. The term "social behaviorism" is reported in the literature as having been originated by George Herbert Mead in his lectures at the University of Chicago shortly after the turn of the century. John B. Watson, founder of "Behaviorism" in his presidential address to the American Psychology Association in 1917, was reportedly a student in Mead's classes at Chicago. Thus, Mead's social behaviorism was the context out of which sprang "American Behaviorism" and its contemporary offspring in the person of B. F. Skinner (at Harvard since the 1930's). Besides Krasner & *Ullman's sociopsychological model, we may cite here two other works which stem from the context of social behaviorism: the recent book by our colleague Arthur *Staats and having that title (1975), and the work on "self-directed behavior" by our colleagues Roland *Tharp and David *Watson (1977) (see pp. - ).
We shall discuss both of these, in brief terms no doubt, but sufficiently to indicate additional broad features of contemporary social psychological work. It may be worth noting that a scientific discipline has fluid boundaries. This allows for new ideas, methods, and paradigms ("schools of thought") - the march of scientific developments, in other words. Fluid boundaries need to be protected to some extent, however, so as to insure the viability of "current

methodologies and approaches. Given the cumulative and haphazard pattern of scientific work, there is a common interest in the profession to uphold one or two or three - but not more! - particular schools or "paradigms" so that they may receive the attention and research focus on the part of a large number of investigators. Too many topics and methods water down the available concentration of effort. This is one of the reasons Psychology Departments are found to "specialize", i.e. to recruit colleagues who belong to the same school of thought as already represented and to exclude applicants who work in an opposing methodology. The value implication in "opposing" stems from the existence of standards in a profession or scholarly discipline. "Standards" are rules of conduct and criteria of judgment formulated by a small body of individuals who act on behalf of the population, for the common good. Thus, because the common good is served by restricting visibility to one, two or three - but not more! - particular rules of procedure ("methodologies"), the standards set by the "Body of Standards" provides the values and criteria for Opposing, with sanctions if need be, the importation of new methodologies that appear to violate existing standards. Without this process of "checks and balances," the boundaries defining a scientific field would be too fluid, too permissive, insufficiently rigorous, wrong, out of date, out of place, and so on.

For these reasons, we need to be especially explicit, as teachers and textbook writers, concerning what we include, and what we exclude. We should note here that the current practice in American colleges tends to constrict the topical boundary of a field, partly because of the use of uniform textbooks - an economic issue - and, partly because of national norms in educational tests - an assimilation issue. It may be that other factors are operating as well, and that we only see the resultant of these combined forces. At any rate, the student or reader should know that we are seen by our colleagues to work in the opposite direction of constriction, i.e. importation. The importation of new methodologies into the field of social psychology no doubt goes on all the time as the field expands, matures, and penetrates the layers of community, both within and without, towards other fields and society at large. Another colleague in the department, Professor Herbert *Weaver, has edited a book of readings for introductory students of psychology with the express purpose of "supplement[ing] the typically behavioristic approach of current introductory psychology texts" (*Weaver, 1968, Preface). Professor Weaver adds that, "Whatever the values of the strict systematic 'scientific' approach of the latter [behavioristic], the student often needs reassurance that psychology has not entirely lost consciousness, lost feeling and lost humanity. He should know that the subject really does have intimate relevance to him, his personal world and society, a fact frequently obscured by the systematic behavioristic textbook" (*Weaver, 1968, Preface). Looking over Professor *Weaver's selections, we find the following topics few of which are encountered in "scientific" psychology: "Oddities of Experience" (Peter McKellar); "The Functions of Laughter" (Brian FOSS); "What Makes a Person Creative?" (Donald W. MacKinnon); "The Myth of Mental Illness" (Thomas S. Szasz); "Brave New World and Brave New World Revisited" (Aldous Huxley); "Psychological Science Versus the Science-Humanism Antinomy: Intimations of a Significant Science of Man" (Sigmund Koch); "The Individual and His Religion" (Gordon Allport); "Religious Healing" (Jerome D. Frank); "Our Changing Conception of Human Nature" (M. F. Ashley Montagu).

Those whose role it is to keep boundaries from becoming too fluid, may interpret this opposing force we are contributing to the field of social psychology as "radical." Because beginning students do not have a historical context within which to interpret the radica1ness of an approach, they ought to be given an understanding of this context. Too often, this important task remains unfulfilled due to the cursory overview and all too brief space available in a textbook that surveys the whole field. We are told by informants in the academic publishing industry that survey textbooks have already surpassed the maximum size students want to deal with, yet new topics keep coming in despite the efforts at constriction. The results: (i) older topics get cut out while new ones get in - this upsets checks and balances (standards), and (ii) less space is available for each topic included - this denies the student understanding and substitutes recitation and paraphrase in its stead. We argue with many "radical educators" of all centuries, as well as those of today, that direct study of natural phenomena is superior to any other method for the achievement of understanding. The radical feature we bring to this approach to the study of social psychology, is that we place understanding of natural phenomena as an earlier goal to literature study. In this sense, our approach may be seen by colleagues as "radically different." This is worth mentioning because students learn early the attitudes of their professors towards labels. We've found that UH students tend to react to our radicalness in a similar way, and we have interpreted this as evidence of student conservatism. By this we mean to indicate a general tendency on the part of students, predictable over a distribution, to prefer being responsible for definitions/ cursory reviews/paraphrases as against "deep analysis" and required personal annotation (your "personal" views, opinions, interpretations). We are convinced from long teaching experience, as well as from self-directed learnings, that deep analysis, direct observation, and personal annotation are three essential operations for achieving understanding. This text is a "Workbook" because, (i) it attempts to present, in depthdirect observation of natural social phenomena ("Thursday Lab"); and (iii) it centralizes your own annotations (observations, interpretations, and expression) as against those of writers in the literature (who have also attempted to observe these same phenomena).
A radical approach to the study of social psychology is immediately enjoyed by some, while it repels some others. Let us hope that those who are hesitant at first will eventually be captivated by the community milieu which the course attempts to create, and thus come to experience the values which we believe it has. Of course, the matter should not be left to mere belief, evidence of the purported advantages of this approach is gathered along with the direct sociopsychological study of the process of change (What you learn, in other words). This is only one of the several radical features of this course of study.

Bird Stories (13) by Leon James

I've described the curious "praying" activity of the birds in our backyard aviary (see story 12). I've alluded to the possibility of a bird language that appears to serve a mostly solitary function, rather than an interactional function of communication. I would like to raise here this issue of language behavior in a more extended context than the activity of praying-chirping.
Why do birds chirp, sing, and whistle?
Biologists usually say that bird vocalizations are innately caused, though they've also shown that particular articulatory features are influenced through learning. For example, the ordinary pattern of singing of a particular species can be altered significantly by exposing the bird to the songs of other species, either directly or through recordings. As well, birds reared in isolation show some idiosyncratic patterns.
Let us first consider the issue of communication through vocal signals. It is very easy to note that birds typically affect each other through sound. 0ne bird calls out, teet-too, teet-too, too-tee-too..., and another bird responds. Silence intervenes and no one calls out. Then, one bird calls out again, followed by others' responses. Thus, contiguity and inter-dependence are two sure signs of communicative interaction.
As well, cross-species interaction through the vocal medium is easily demonstrated. I whistle in the vicinity of the quiet aviary. The cockatiel responds within a half-a-second. I wait, and he waits. I whistle again, the response comes instantaneously. I wait, and whistle, and wait and each time, the same result. Is this not a communicative exchange of some sort?
When the high flying frigate birds pass over our Kailua house every late afternoon (on their way to Rabbit Island), the grey, adult cockatiel is waiting, watching, and listening. Strident, intense calls issue forth from this vocal apparatus. He relapses into silence when the birds disappear 0verhead. Is this not vocal communication?
Cardinals, mynah birds, and many Other species, travel around the neighborhood in mated pairs. As one of the birds flies off, the other follows. How do they not lose each other? One bird calls out, and the other answers.
I often hear a type of night bird flying over the house in the dark. is easy to localize the position of each bird since they emit a whistle call at periodic intervals of a few seconds. No doubt this also functions to al the birds to keep together in the darkness. Finally, when two of Our parakeets left the aviary through the opening described in story (#3) the whole community was sounding off in a continuous and impressive cacaphony. What particularly impressed me was the regular alternation between wild noise

and total silence, accompanied by the characteristic tense pose of a bird "listening." As soon as the calls were returned by the now distant parakeets, the colony broke up into wild noise for a few seconds, then waited again. This went on for 3 or 4 minutes, in a dozen alternating pattern. There is no doubt in my mind that this exchange helped orient the '"escaped" parakeets, who were seen to circle far and away around the house, then returning to the aviary area where they hung around.


The psychology of individual differences concerns the teasing apart of which behavior influences cause similarity and differences to arise in society. It comprises developmental psychology, child psychology, genetic psychology, and personality measurement. We have reviewed in another section the historical context of behaviorism, and traced the conceptual development of four themes which we've inherited from the l9th Century relating to the principle that behavior is influenced, often determined, by external and internal ''factors." Factors are to psychology what elements are to chemistry. This concept entails the idea that behavior is a composite; a compound of different elements of "factors," each of which can be observed, identified, isolated, and manipulated. "Factoring" is following a statistical procedure that "factors out" the numerical distribution ("correlation matrix") into separate dimensions, spaces, modalities. In field theory concepts, a factor is a vector; that is, it has force and directionality. Behavior can be observed, measured, transformed into a numerical distribution which is then factored or split up into as many parts or clusters as are needed to elegantly describe the complex patterns of the numbers. Because these numbers stand for behavioral observations and measurements, the clusters and patterns you observe in visual or digital (graphic, geometrical) representations, will also therefore represent facts about behavior. Thus finding factors (factoring) and facts are related in conception, as well as in orthography.
The need for procedures that help isolate the factors of human variability, has spurned the vigorous experimental activity in the fields of childpsychology and psychometric measurement. For example, a standard textbook in that area (*Johnson and Medinnus, 1974, 3rd edition) contains thousands of references (we did not count them!). It may very well be the largest among the "hard core" experimental school in contemporary psychology. This may be because the study of the factors of human variability draws upon all four themes we've inherited from the l9th Century (see pp. __ - __): sensory, associationistic, motivational, and ethnocultural. The authors of Child Psychology: Behavior and Development, confirm this view in the Preface Of their first edition (published 1965):
"Child psychology is inextricably linked with other psychological
fields such as experimental psychology, the psychology of individual
differences, social psychology, learning, and personality. It
is also multi-disciplinary, since it draws on data gathered in such
diverse fields as sociology, anthropology, behavioral genetics,
pediatrics, and some areas of home economics. From these different
areas of specialization we have gathered data dealing with two major
aspects: first, those ways in which all humans are similar to one
another in their potentialities, patterns of development, and
behavior; and, second, the differences among human beings in capabilities
and in behavior as these differences are manifested-within
the basic core of similarity.
We see two forces operating to produce similarity. The first is our
biological nature, which makes humans the moderately large, omniv-
orous, though, stimulation-seeking, problem-solving, symbol-using
organisms that we are. The second is that necessary core of culture
based on such aspects of the human condition as a long period of

desendency that in turn demands a stable family structure, consider-
able instruction, and considerable psychological support if the immature
Organism is to survive. Within the limits imposed by these
forces, individual differences in behavior occur as a result of
hereditary and environmental variability.'' (*Johnson and Medinnus,
1974, Preface and First Edition).
This stand had matured in the l9th Century in the writings of the social philosophers and statisticians, so that one might say that the psychology of individual differences, coupled with applied psychology, is the modern inheritor of social philosophy. Because it contains all four themes in behavior influences--biological, sociological, psychological, and ethnocultural, it is the most evolved school of behaviorism, and promises to synthesize, through the analyses of factors, the totality of what constitutes community
Psychological Aspects of the Family Setting. We may examine this "synthetic" approach by summarizing and extracting the main ideas presented by *Johnson and Medinnus (1974) in their chapter on "the psychological aspects of the family setting" (Ch. 8). Note that the title refers to three concepts we've been keeping track of throughout this book as "field theory concepts." These are "psychological", "aspects", and "setting". Setting defines the ethnocultural boundaries of a society; psychological (as intended in the title) entails forces that impart impulses and movement to the organism (or their inhibition); and aspects contains the idea of factors or separate systems ("sub-regions" within the field). Thus, "the psychological aspects of the family setting" promises to be (i) an inventory of behavioral influences and (ii) an inventory of observations detailing the behavioral consequences of social influences. The accompanying diagram on the next page may help you structure your ideas:

(Johnson and Medinnus, 1974, Child Psychology)
Inventory of Behavioral
INFLUENCES <===========
Inventory of Behavioral
1. FAMILY COMPOSITION   - sibling rivalry;
- perental sex preferences;
- less parental involvment
with first born child;
- first born females show
higher need for approval
than later born.
2. FAMILY SIZE - large families are more
authoritarian and organized;
- reduced parental - contact
induces greater frustration
in children.
- tension at home causes
child's maladjustment;
- divorce causes stress to the
- parental self-blame;
- disrupts family integration.
5. MATERNAL EMPLOYMENT - working mother affects
psychological climate of the family;
- effects depend on age, class,
attitude, etc.
- tendency to downgrade self;
- defective self-concept;
- frustration and hostitlity
towards society
*Johnson and Medinnus are understandibly cautious about the details of the relationships depicted in this diagram which summarizes their discussion. They refer to the paucity of research and hard data, nevertheless, they reinforce the belief in a causal relationship between societal factors ("sociological") and personality factors. A belief in the reality of this, interaction animates t he whole spectrum of psychology's applied involvement in the community. Because psychologists are seen as ''behavioral experts" by the community, their scientific beliefs come to inf1uence community 1ife in legislation, educational administration, mental hea1th programs, community psychology interventions, therapy, counseling. The philosophy that animates these applied efforts can be termed social engineering to reflect the idea that behaviorists must take their tools to the field, tools developed in the laboratory, and apply them in the service of finding solutions to society's ills. This engineering service cannot wait for better tools and better re- search: it is needed at once, and hopefully, despite the inadequacy of the tools, the intervention that is motivated by systematic and general principles may be better than non-intervention, or intervention based on biased reasoning.

The Psychology of Aging. "The Psychology of Aging" is the other end of "Child Psychology." Both belong to developmental psychology. The child is father to the man: he turns into the young adult as he grows older under the influences of social, psychological, and physiological forces. The end of growth is reached in adulthood: "old age" in our contemporary, so-called technocratic society, marks the natural beginnings of disorganization in behavior and personality development. The following diagram depicts the biographical growth process as a function of age:

The curves are only approximate and are culled from tables cited in Birren (1964). You can note the pattern of growth and disorganization of performance factors in psycho-motor abilities, sex activity, intelligence, and conditionability. Question: What are the social, psychological and physiological influences that cause disorganization of the adult with advancing age? We shall organize the answer to this question in terms of two factors: biological-medical and social-psychological.
The biological-medical perspective on development, growth, and aging stresses the stressors of living. Life is cyclical, i.e. following natural growth processes that involve phasal development and circadian influences or cyclical changes. The body organs and biochemical functionings have a constitutional (genetic) schedule; they evolve gradually and on time but their rate and range may be affected by social-psychological factors: mother's health, nourishement, attitude toward exercise and motor skills, medical treatment and the ingestion of drugs. Illness in aging appears to vary tremendously across occupational classes within a society, as well as across ethnic groups, geographic p1aces, and nationalities. It is important to note this inasmuch as it shows that socio-cultural factors interact with physiological factors to determine the progress of aging. This may involve both indirect and direct influences, as the following diagram depicts:


Pulitzer Prize Winner, Robert N. Butler (Why Survive?: Being Old in America, 1975) argues effectively for the need to reverse and control aging factors, especially the indirect, sociocultural influences. He reviews and documents extensively through federal health and employment statistics, the tragic picture Of biographical disorganization in modern America: poverty, inadequate medical services, senility, degradation and uprooting, victimization, discrimination, ridicule, prejudice. He argues for the need to better understand the elderly and to alter our attitudes, values, and mores which assign inappropriate criteria of social acceptance, physical appearance, and illness. You are no doubt aware of these attitudes in the community and you may already have developed and internalized many of these values. For instance, female students of Psychology 222 frequently report as one of their fears in life, the anxiety of getting old (DRA data, Spring 1978). Standards of physical appearance are inculcated early in life. Teenagers and young adults appear to be excessively preoccupied with signs of "aging" to the point of separating themselves from the larger context of community life. Socializing with "older people" is infrequent except in required role interactions. Social life in the community is effectively segregated into age castes, and relationships across the "age barrier" are stigmatized, except under institutionally controlled forms ("helping the aged"). There is a general insufficiency in distinguishing between illness per se and aging per se. the two being tied as proper and inevitable. Finally, there is little appreciation of the advantages of aging, i.e. those performance factors that increase rather than decrease with age: a deepening of understanding of the human condition, experiences and memories as a valuable source of information and knowledge, valuable personal characteristics such as greater patience, more compassion, readiness for service and self-sacrifice, less competitive needs, and more time.
A new or better methodology is needed for identifying those performance factors which show continued improvement over age. Psychomotor tests and tests Of personality and intellectual abilities bring out the disadvantages of aging past middle-life. These are relevant in the sense that they indicate

the areas of breakdown and regression, and thus guide gerontology in resisting or slowing down the effects of aging on social competence and community adjustment. But at the same time, these psychometric methods tend to exclude the positive factors of aging, possibly leading to their denial. Yet this position cannot be valid: the aged have occupied a central position in all societies in the past, and still do today wherever technology and urban family organization have not as yet eroded their status.

In closing this discussion on the sociocultural influences on the process of aging, let us recall that we started with child psychology and the family setting. The problems of aging, like the problems of childhood, are rooted in rapid societal changes and the breakdown of the family unit as the sociocultural unit that has always formed the beginning and end of the biography of the individual. In old Hawaii, as it is kept track of, and even fostered, by scholars and those still bound to ancestral ties and mores, the family unit was the chief organizing element of the daily round. As reported in Pukui, Haerting, and Lee (Nana I Ke Kumu, 1972), many Hawaiians still feel the strength of family ties and practice the old way. We are told that 'ohana ("members of the 'ohana, like taro shoots, are all from the same root", p. 166) represents family consciousness as a "deeply felt, unifying force" of the family clan: makuas (parents and relatives of the parent-generation); kupunas (grandparental relatives); keikis (children), puluna (in-laws); and aumakua (dead relatives and ancestral spirits). Rules of conduct emerged and were integrated as 'ohana roles: younger siblings obeyed older ones, skills were taught by direct coaching and participation ("watch, listen, shut the mouth"); a sister slept next to the wife, on the other side of the husband's sleeping mat; the poi bowl was shared communally and in sex-segregated dining rooms; "a man might wear his brothers malo, [or loin cloth] but not the malo of anyone else" (p. 170). To prevent and remedy interpersonal hostilities, the ho'oponopono, was the official family gathering where things were aired and "set straight" (mahiki). Repentance, mutual forgiveness, and above all, the releasing from guilts and wrong doings (hala), functioned to maintain stability and continuity. Family connections were kept track of up to the 13th or 14th cousinss. This oral history was the job of the hiapo, or first born child, who was given away by the parents to the senior relatives who officially adopted the child as their own, and groomed it in its tribal function as official historian. The hiapo was usually the punahele, or "favored child in the grandparents' home" (p. 52).

Synopsis 15: Individual Differences and Variability.

The psychology of individua1 differences comprises developmental/genetic psychology and the psychology of measurement. The "factors" of human variability include physiological, genetic, and socio-cultural influences on personality and individual performance. Some factors are seen as universal and affecting all members of the species; others are specific to individuals or groups. Hence, there are pressures towards similarity across groups and pressures towards variability. Applied efforts In the psychology of individual differences and measurement have been vigorously pursued by behaviorists and now comprise active involvements in community intervention programs in mental health, social reorganization of neighborhoods, child rearing, and the psychology of "aging.''
There are two factors being discussed as the "causes" of disorganization in old age--biological/medical and social psychological. Both of these have direct and indirect influences: surgery and drugs are direct biological/medical factors, while diet and exercise are indirect; retirement and discrimination are direct socio-cultural factors, while attitudes and values are indirect.
"Psychometric" studies of the aged tend to isolate those factors of aging that are disadvantageous (e.g. health, vision, paper-and-pencil "reasoning" tests, etc.). There is a need for new methods which would isolate the "advantages of aging." Because the Daily Round Approach was a natural history methodology, it appears to be better suited to discover those factors that cumulate positively with advancing age (e.g. wisdom, experience, personal growth, etc.).

Bird Stories (14) by Leon James

The pigeon occupies a definite spot in man' s great saga of domesticating (Latin, domus = house, home) other species, i.e. of bringing them into one's domicile, sharing space, food, work, and pleasure. Everyone. is familiar with the pigeons of Florence (they are in movies, magazines, on postcards, and your friends' slides), and though the dove somehow out-deserved the pigeon in God' s scheme, having been chosen to overfly the aftermath of the Flood and report the good tidings to Noah, nevertheless to the pigeon befell the honor of the first air mail service in history!
Carrier pigeons, according to Webster's is "a pigeon trained to fly over great distances back to a home point, carrying a written message fastened to its legs; homing pigeono'' My father never raced pigeons though our Sunday mornings were often spent at the Flea Market in Antwerp which had a special square reserved for selling, trading, and racing pigeons. Though, as a 10- year old at the time, I was more interested in puppies, my childhood memories are filled with pigeon stories.
My father had had an obsessive involvement with them since his teens. In those days of the late 1940's, the Sunday Morning Flea Market was the place where everything was found, so it seemed at any rate, to a 10-year old, tagging after his Dad, afraid of getting lost, pushed and stepped on by frantic mobs. The wares were displayed on green army blankets spread out on the ground, in boxes, on people's shoulder, car tops, tents, wooden collapsable structures, and bicycles. Sometimes I would be left in the animal section playing with puppies while my father went for a "quick tour." One day, totally unexpectedly, my father gave in to my weekly pleadings, and we brought home a tiny little black and white furry dog thing which r named Juju. It was the happiest day of my life.
More usually, however, we brought home some pigeons. My father was trying to breed them into chicken size, and whenever he found a large, robust pigeon, he wanted it. Color, was the other factor. He wanted them to be large and of a particular hue. As I think about these things today, I realize that I don't really know what he was up to. (Fortunately, he is still around for me to ask. I must write him a letter about it.) In fact, I am amazed how little I can say about all those years of living with pigeons.
Things come to me as I stir up those old memories. An exciting event was getting Our pigeons to circle around the house. To accomplish this, you have to get them going all at the same time. Basically, it meant frightening them with sudden sweeping gestures, with objects thrown at them, and with lots of whistling, yelling, and carryings on. Two or three pigeons might take off and I and on the roof next door . Or the pack would take off in a sudden explosion of panic, scatter in the sky, each pigeon for itself. A few minutes later, another try. Eventually everything would work out just right, and the pack of 30 to 40 pigeons, would circle around and around, in tight formation, offering a joyous sight to behold.


Chances are you don't socialize with any of your teachers in school. Chances are you never visit a professor's office unless you have a specific requirement to transact. Chances are you feel uncomfortable when talking to the instructor in class. Chances are you don't interact with your classmates unless you already know each other. Chances are you come to class only because you feel you have to, and that you consider much of school distasteful, boring, and hardly earth shaking as a personal intellectual experience. This is not so good!
This course of study is designed to counteract the usual constraining atmosphere of the classroom. Two aspects of this need to be stressed. First, altering the socio-cultural environment of the classroom in a direction that would foster more authentic relationships, is in our estimation a desirable goal in itself. Second, creating a community out of our membership in this course allows us to be objective about it. This second point is more difficult to grasp than the first, but is of equal importance. We feel that objective studies are desirable activities that foster the basic humanistic purposes of education in a way that far surpasses the benefits to the person that come from indirect study through passive readings. Objective studies are direct and participatory. In a classroom where the people present act as in a community setting, you cannot pretend you're only there to listen. This simply wouldn't be true. The activities that go on in a community setting are great forces of energy that involve those present in continuous exchanges with each other. There is no time out: that is, at no time are you out of the community. This means that all your acts count. Many of the things that ordinarily would get kept track of in a community setting where the members hook up to each other's daily round schedules, also gets kept track of in the classroom setting that operates as a micro-cosmos, or mini-world.
Have you ever thought of founding a settlement, utopia, or extra- planetary colony? If not, think of it now. Suppose you were the person who had to write out all the rules and procedures that the volunteer members must follow in order to make certain particular things happen, certain styles of life facilitated according to your fancy, desires or reason. Could there be money and private ownership? Who makes the decisions about living conditions, rules, ordinances? Would you make rules about eating, touching, and clothes? Would there be an official ritual, religion, prayer, flag, bible? On what bases do you decide?
Chances are, if you thought about the Genesis Problem, or how to create a community, that you followed the if/then reasoning mode of analysis: "if" I make rule x, "then" y will follow, and that's either good or bad for what I want to happen. Call this type of reasoning "the functional analysis of antecedents and consequents of behavior", and you can count yourself among the ranks of the behaviorists. This is because, behaviorism in the community takes precisely that form. First, you identify a particular setting and list its relevant features; in field theory terms, we would say that you've identified the ''ethnodynamic" forces operative in a particular field or social region. For example, the force of legislation rests in its power to alter procedures that must be followed by individuals in particular situations:

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