ARCHIVAL RECORDS AND HUMAN EXPERIENCE

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Thus, the official model and practice of medical assessment fails to meet, on a day to day basis, the scientific, pragmatic, and ethical criteria of acceptability to the community. Even its experimental tests are suspect. The weaknesses here are clear from numerous reversals the FDA is required to make, recalling products it had previously approved --to an extent now remindful of the car industry products. Since the medical assessme;t model is unsuitable and unattained in the day-to-day practice of the physician, there is need for a more practical routine. This pragmatic problem involves, to an equal extent, the assessment of all medical issues, including the health and nutrition issues raised by the natural food movement and the spiritual healing practitioners, both religious and non-religious, as reviewed above. To solve this problem, the talents and techniques of applied social psychology are needed. It is clear to us, that nothing less than daily round approach can offer a methodology sufficiently situational and actual, to operationalize the medical assessment schema,

MEDICAL DAILY ROUND (MDR)
Part 1

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MEDICAL DAILY ROUND (MDR)
Part 2

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MEDICAL DAILY ROUND (MDR)
Part 3

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The relationship between personal mind and the socio-cultural environment cannot be investigated adequately in an exclusively behavioral methodology without redefining, and therefore altering, experiential data in terms of behavioral data. Each person has access to his or her personal mind data through awareness and through consciousness (the difference between these two will be discussed below). This accessibility is direct, unfragmented and apperceived instantaneously by the person. The activity or methodology of introspectionism on the other hand, is not direct and instantaneous; it is analyzable into components which are then reconstructed as a hypothesis about their actual connections. Therefore, introspectionism as a behavioral methodology is unreliable and of unknown validity.

NEW PARADIGM IN SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY

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Consider the following downward series of semantic units and their usage in a sample illustration. We refer to such semantic structures by the label hexagram to indicate that it is a whole made up of two parts separated by a double line boundary and ordered in a vertical series. The rationale and structure of the hexagrammatic system are elaborated further in

the Appendix and in a number of places in this Workbook (see Index). Here, we wish to show its use or applicability in methodology.

Let us stipulate that this particular hexagram, called "The Hexagram of Sudden Memory," is a hypothesis about the structure of the units that make up sudden memory just as in the case of short-term memory, we stipulate discrete units underlying the natural flow of actions and events. Having stipulated this, we can now derive from it, a theory about what it is in the mind, since it is not in behavior. Assume therefore that sudden memory is a parameter of the mind and that it has the characteristics given by the above hexagram; these are as follows:

(i) every unit of mind (or gene of intellect) is a hexagram made up of two trigrams;

(ii) in this molecule, the upper trigrarn has three features in descending order; these are: IMPRESSIONS, INTERPRETATIONS, AWARENESS;

(iii) the upper trigram can be represented in behavior as the temporal verbal report: "First you get impressions, then you interpret them, and finally you become aware that you have them."

(iv) the lower trigram can be represented in behavior through the following assertion: "When you start, at first you kind of feel self-conscious but afterwards you sort of get used to it with practice, and then you kind of do it unselfconsciously . Eventually it becomes a routine and you're doing it fully consciously."

(v) the double line separates topical from pre-topical such that the upper sequence is pre-topical while the lower is topical; this can be represented behaviorally by the following verbal argument: "The SOCIO-cultural environment creates two zones: pre-topical and topical. Pre-topical belongs to all societies whether non-verbal, as ant colonies, or verbal, as human communities. But topical belongs only to verbal societies. As a result, impressions, interpretations, and awareness are societal features, not individual, hence ants may be, as a group manifesting the phenomena of impressions, or awareness, but not individually. However, ants are not conscious since they fail to exhibit topical phenomena."

THE DISCOVERY OF SUDDEN MEMORY

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CATALOGUING is a type of ANNOTATION, i.e., a comment on some segment of discourse (written or oral). Types of comments in annotation include: (i) TITLING a setting feature, viz., referring to something, and therefore involves such behaviors as recognizing, classifying, and ignoring; (ii) ARGUING, which refers to the ordinary, common sense logic of TOPICALIZING, e. g., "I'm late. My watch is slow. 11 involves an argument whose nominal or premise is "My watch is slow" and whose complement or conclusion is "(That is why) I'm late. "--the "That is why" being the elliptical argument , and ordinarily indexed or represented by the period separating two sentences when transcribing oral discourse (see TRANSCRIPTS). Forms of arguments abound in conversations, written discourse, and discourse thinking ("ideation"). Forms of arguments vary with cultural and social factors such as ETHNICITY and REGISTER (q. v.). Thus, arguing, along with titling, represent main modes of annotations in a community; hence, we've come to call them "COMMUNITY CATALOGUING PRACTICES" (CCPs) (q.v.). Recall that cataloguing along with microdescriptions and indexing, make up the three principal methodologies for NATURAL-HIS TORY-TYPE RESEARCH (q. v.)

GLOSSARY OF TERMS IN ETHNOSEMANTICS

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The theory of accounting currently being pursued in microsociology, ethnography, and applied psycholinguistics has a long and substantial history going back to the origins of organized knowledge in communities (e.g. the I Ching, ca. 3,000 B.C., and the subsequent emergence of traditions, legend, myth, metaphysics, and science). In modern times, philosophers Kant and Goethe have exercised definitive intellectual orientations. More recently, Sociologists Weber, Marx, and Shutz have been responsible for advances in phenomenological understanding. In this century, Dewey, Sapir, Wittgenstein, Austin, Ryle, Cassirer, Goffman, and Garfinkel are among the notable contributors to the analysis of accounts (see References for details). Currently in the literature, we find investigators and theory developers in Harre, Secord, Sacks, Schegloff, Cicourel, Gumperz, Hymes, James, Gordon, and many others (see References).

Central to the new paradigm of accounts --which, however, is not so new! --is the denial that accounts are "introspective causal explanation." Instead, it is asserted that accounting involves "the performance of two main tasks: the explication of action, and the justification of action" (Harre, 1977, p. 299).

The explication of action can be "explicit" or "implicit." Explicit explications are marked by an overt preparatory or set-up act or move by the person: e.g., "What I mean is "I don't mean to but and so on. Implicit explications mark the occurence, of actions, but their social functions as "acts" remain unsaid. Examples of both explicit and implicit explications in accounting can be found in annotated transcripts (see Chapter.9, Section [9.3.II.2.1], and in microdescriptions (see Chapter 8, Section [8.5.5.4]).

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This figure shows that relationship is defined as a state of contact containing a triadic aspect: episodic, transactional, and topical. These three primary dimensions of variability jointly and exactly define the structural, dynamic, and thematic components of relationship in each of the three primary dimensions, respectively. Boundary and embedding issues are the current theoretical solutions to the empirical investigation of the structural components of social episodes (T_a and T_b, respectively). Within the transactional dimension, a current theoretical solution is that we have proposed under the rubric of sociodynamics: one type, psycho-dynamics (T_C), concerns the specification of the underlying, psychogenesis of cognitive and symbolic acts; i.e., the details of a symbolic value logic in human affairs. The second type of social dynamic, ethnodynamics (T_d), concerns the specification of the underlying, local ethnicity conditions in ritual exchanges, i.e., the developmental sequence that community practices exhibit or, the stages that are sanctioned in contingency practices.

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(a) Don't worry about him. He can't interfere. He's just an old man .

(b) Don't worry about him. He can't interfere. He's just a

passive old man.

weak old man.

The addition of "passive" or "weak" in (b) is redundant, showing that OLD MAN is coded for a "passivity" and a "weakness" feature. Note further that (c) is anomalous:

(c) "Don't worry about him. He can't interfere. He's just

an active old man.

a strong old man.

It is possible under certain circumstances to ask native speakers directly whether a particular word is coded one way or another for any particular feature. The Cross-cultural Atlas of Affective Meanings represents such an attempt in which a group of native speakers in some 20 language/culture communities were asked to code 600 words in terms of three generalized affective features: Evaluation, Potency, and Activity (see Osgood, 1964; Jakobovits, 1966; 1969). The relevance of this Atlas for the present discussion lies in the fact that the affective features of words that represent translation equivalents are sometimes universal (e.g., MOTHER is code as "+Evaluation," DEATH is coded as "-Evaluation," AIRPLANE is coded as "+Activity," ROCK is coded as "+Potency," etc.) and sometimes cross-culturally variable (e.g., PRAYER is coded "+Evaluation" in the United States but "-Evaluation" in Yugoslavia). The "+Evaluation" and "-Activity" coding of SUNDAY in American English accounts for the interpretability of the sentence "On this island, my friend, every day is Sunday." In Delhi Hindi, SUNDAY (meaning: the first day of the week, the Day of the Lord) is coded as "O Evaluation" and "O Activity" (i.e., "Zero") and the sentence in question would not be interpretable.

Note, however, that in order to account for these linguistic facts it is necessary to take into account specific cultural differences between Delhi Hindi and American English cultures. Again it would be a matter of pure arbitrariness to declare that these cultural factors are to be excluded from an account of linguistic competence. Finally I would like to mention one other specific issue which argues against a restricted view of linguistic competence. One would certainly insist that any serious account of linguistic competence would include the derivation of the meaning of a (well formed) sentence. Central to such an account is the fact that speakers of a language are capable of recognizing whether two sentences have the same meaning, that is, that they are paraphrases of each other. That the following two sentences are paraphrases of each other, namely

(a) Kiki chewed up the bathroom rug.
(b) The rug in the bathroom was chewed up by Kiki.

can be adequately demonstrated by showing the transformations which relate the two sentences to each other. But what would it take to demonstrate that the next two sentences are paraphrases of each other?

(c) You're on, Rex.
(d) You're next, Rex.

The relation between these two sentences is in terms of functional equivalence (of intent) within the context in which either of them may be uttered. It would do no good to argue that the relation involved is arbitrary, nonlinguistic as might be the case between two equivalent secret passwords, since it can be shown that functional equivalence in meaning can be rendered by novel paraphrases (e.g., the telephone is out of order, the telephone isn't functioning, the telephone doesn't work, the telephone is dead, etc.). In order to account for a speaker's ability to recognize the equivalence of these sentences, one will have to consider factors other than those usually included in a restricted sense of linguistic competence (for example, intention of the speaker, see below).

ASSESSING FOREIGN LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY

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We have seen that words have a relation to a generalized abstract meaning (linguistic meaning) as well as to a particularized meaning that relates to a specific conceptual event (implicit meaning). Utterances as a whole have, in addition, a relation to several aspects of the speaker: his intention, his psychological state, his definition of the interaction and certain "claims" (both intentional and unintentional) he makes about the status of his utterance, etc. In some cases these implications are necessary to recover the intended meaning of the utterance (e.g., "Do you have a match?" is not a question to be answered verbally but a request for fire to light a cigarette). In other cases, the implications of an utterance are by-products not essentially related to conveying intended meaning (e.g., phonological clues that reveal geographic origin). I shall refer to both types of implications as the implicative meaning of an utterance. 

Within the framework that I have outlined the problem of assessing language skills becomes the problem of describing the specific manner in which an individual functions at the three levels of meaning identified above. The relations that hold between the three levels, both for a speaker and a listener, is a matter to be determined empirically for each individual, although it is to be expected that such empirical studies will show that some of these relations will be universal for all language users. The development of specific tests for assessing these relations should be guided by an overall model of the functional elements in communicative competence. Because of the practical concerns involved in language testing, one need not post- pone the task of developing language tests until such time as adequate theoretical models become available. In fact, it might even be the case that such empirical evidence that the language tester accumulates would constitute useful information for building such theoretical models. I would argue, however, that the development of language tests on a piecemeal basis and without considerations de- rived from a model that encompasses the full range of phenomena involved in communicative competence, can only yield artificial laboratory exercises that have little significant relationship to the use of language in real life situations. I believe it is presently possible to outline the major elements to be included in a model of language use.

THREE LEVELS OF MEANING:   LINGUISTIC, IMPLICIT, AND IMPLICATIVE

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The three-way interaction model is outlined below:
 

Let us specify, still in outline form, some further notions that must be considered under each of these headings:

LF. Learner factors

1.   Ablity to understand instructions
1.1  General intelligence
1.2  Verbal ability

2.   Aptitude
2.1 Components of FL aptitude
2.2 Factors that determine aptitude

3.Perseverance
3.1 Need achievement
3.2 Attitude toward teacher
3.3 Interest in second-language study
3.4 Attitude toward foreign culture
3.5 Ethnocentrism
3.6 Anomie and its resolution

4.  Learning strategies
4.1 Tendency to assimilate new knowledge
4.2 Resistance to transfer effects A.4.2.   Structural
                    A.4.2.2 Attitudinal
4.3 Study habits
4.4 Self-evaluation criteria

5.  Consequences
5.1 Intellectual functioning
5.2 Educational achievement
5.3 Personality
IF. Instruction factors

1.  Quality of instruction
1.1 Adequacy of linguistic description
1.2 Adequacy of cross-cultural description
1.3 Adequacy of paralinguistic and kinesic description
1.4 Strategies of presentation of facts
1.5 Teaching aids
1.6 Degree of individuated instruction and responsiveness to learner factors
1.6.1 Aptitude
1.6.2 Motivation and interest
1.6.3 Feedback
1.6.4 Ability to understand instructions
1.7 Teacher observation and evaluation

2. Opportunity to learn
2.1 Time available for study
2.1.1 Number and distribution of hours for the course
2.1.2 Cumulative total amount of time
2.2 Opportunities outside the regular classroom activities
2.2.1 Use of the language for specific purposes
2.2.2 Direct contact with natives

3. Transfer effects
3.1 Structural
3.1.1  Areas of transfer
3.1.2 Level of operation
3.2 Environmental
3.2.1 Decoding aspects
3.2.2 Encoding aspects

4. Criterion evaluation
4.1 Achievement tests
4.1 .1 Linguistic competence
4.1.2 Communicative competence
4.2 Definition of goals
4.2.1 Degree of competence
4.2.2 Area of competence
4.2.3 Nature of competence
4.2.3.1 Dialectal variations
4.2.3.2 Code switching
4.3 Strategies of gradation
SF. Socio cultural factors
1. Language loyalty
2. Linguistic composition
3. Biculturalism
4. Consequences
Let us now turn to a brief examination of these various topics.

LANGUAGE TEACHING ANALYSIS

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This distinction has been recognized by all psychological theories, including behavioristic ones (see Hull's, 1943, distinction between SHR and SER). A confusion that may arise in language behavior comes from the fact that understanding is usually (if not always) superior to speaking and one might want to equate understanding with competence and speaking with performance. However, this can not be the case. Both understanding and speaking must be viewed as instances of performance since the nonlinguistic factors that affect speaking (e.g., memory span, temporal integration, inattention, etc.) are equally likely to affect understanding. We are thus confronted with the fact that one type of performance, understanding, appears to develop before another type of performance, speaking. What may be responsible for this?

McNeill ( 1966) examines the specific claim that every grammatical feature appears first in understanding and second in speaking and is led to the conclusion that the overall parameters of conversion from competence to performance are simpler, easier, and less complex in the case of understanding. In order to account for this fact he postulates three kinds of memory span of different size or length, in the following order of decreasing magnitude: phonological production, grammatical comprehension, and grammatical production. He postulates these kinds to account for some data by Fraser, Bellugi, and Brown (1963) showing that a child can repeat a longer sentence than it can either understand or produce spontaneously, and also that it can understand a longer sentence than it can produce spontaneously. The difficulty with McNeill's hypothesis is that it equates sentence length with sentence complexity. It would seem that it is easier to understand a long but simple sentence than a short but involved one. It would also appear that one can understand a sentence too long to be repeated. Children show evidence of having understood sentences they cannot (or will not) repeat (see Lenneberg, 1967, p. 316). The problem may be conceptualized in a different way, as illustrated by the following diagram:

The asymmetry between the capacity to perform the understanding conversion as opposed to the speaking conversion may be related to the fact that the former requires an analytic approach while the latter demands a synthetic capability. It may be that for humans analytic processes are easier than synthetic ones. One might say that it is easier to learn the art critic's job than the artist's.

DISTINCTION BETWEEN COMPETENCE AND PERFORMANCE

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Prefatory Remarks:   "History of Ideas" is the title given to the study of the record-keeping activities of an historical epoch; these activities are informative about the ideas of people in that era. We might say that the record-keeping activities of a community are an indication of the consciousness of the people in that community since these activities are concerned with the recording of ideas people have. We can use the term "ethnosemantic glossary" to refer to a map, chart, or index which shows the nature and character of the record-keeping activities of a particular group. Since such indices or charts attempt to be exhaustive by listing all types of record-keeping activities practiced in a particular community, we refer to them as "cataloguing-practices." Thus, an ethnosemantic glossary is a topographic representation of the cataloguing-practices of a particular community.

    Some familiar forms of record-keeping activities are those that have been institutionalized. For instance, in our North American Culture of today we find such items as

• -Dictionaries
• -Almanacs
• -Library catalogues
• -Directories
• -Yellow Pages
• -Newspaper Want Ads
• -Inventories
• -Mailing lists
• -Selections and Anthologies
• -Programs and Curricula
• -Wills, Taxation Records, Notarized Records, Official Files Survey Records, etc.
• -Time Tables, Schedules, Menus, etc.
• -Minutes, Transcripts, Reports, Affidavits, Statutes, etc.
• -Data, lists, charts, indices, etc.

PSYCHOLOGY OF KNOWLEDGE

- what's being observed about a scene

- what's being recorded for later telling

- what's being remembered about the past

- what's being expected or normal

- who one is - in terms of what one is; and what one is - in terms of what one remembers; and what one remembers - in terms of what one selects to record to remember; which depends on habits of classifying information; which depends on the group's practices.

Thus, it can be seen why group membership is a major factor in the standardization of an individual's consciousness: this is so because the individual's awareness -- what he observes and remembers -- is a pragmatic function of the necessities of one's daily round:

• - who one knows
• - what one knows
• - what one can say
• - what pne can understand the arguments one can recognize and make the topics, ideas, quotations, paraphrases, etc. one can recognize or produce.

This is why there is a close relationship between talk and consciousness on the one hand, and on the other, ethnicity membership or the social setting. What one talks about, the ideas one has, the memories and awarenesses, are all cultural activities of record-keeping or cataloguing-practices. Hence an empirical psychology of knowledge must be based on the scientific study of cataloguing-practices in a community. This we call "Ethnosemantics."

TALK, ETHNICITY AND TITLING

"The object of geometry" according to Poincare,

"is the study of a definite group, but the general idea of the group pre-exists, at least potentially, in our mind, having forced itself in not as a form of sensibility but as a form of our understanding. All we have to do is to choose among all possible groups the one that will constitute a standard for us, as it were, to which natural phenomena are referred. Experience guides us in this choice but does not dictate it; nor does it permit us to know which geometry is truer but only which is more 'useful'." (quoted by Cassirer, p. 43).

ETHNOSEMANTICS AND THE GEOMETRY OF UNDERSTANDING

    Step B: Second, we approach the study of other groups. Each additional group is treated as a separate and independent manifold. Each group is labeled, delimited, and defined on the same axiomatic basis we did with the color coding system in ethnosemantics. For instance, the Hindu methods of behavioral engineering practiced in the guru-disciple relationship constitute a well defined space of experience in which all the disciple's movements are carefully traced, catalogued, and explained. We may refer to one such particular manifold as Kriya Yoga.

(Note: see the fascinating account of Yogananda Paramahansa, referred to earlier; according to Sri Yogananda's account, Lahiri Mahasaya is the twentieth century master exponent of Kriya Yoga; Yogananda's guru, a devotee of Lahiri Mahasaya, was Sri Yukteswar who has authored many translations of the Hindu scripture books dealing with an exposition of knowledge on the natural sciences; Yogananda came to the U.S. in the 1930's upon the orders of his guru who wished him to introduce the knowledge of Kriya Yoga to America, and founded the Self-Realization Fellowship, today a thriving spiritual organization; see also Franklin Jones in The Knee of Listening and in The Method of the Siddhas, as well as Bubba Free John, No Remedy and Garbage and the Goddess; we are informed by Bubba's disciples and   followers (now settling in Hawaii in a mass immigration') that they receive secret instructions in the study of Kriya Yoga through Bubba, who himself travels regularly to India' According to Yogananda, Lahiri Mahasaya was against the open discussion and dissemination of information on Kriya Yoga. That could be a stickler for students of ethnosemantics. Nevertheless, we've been trying for several years now - alas unsuccessfully - to get an audience with Bubba on this. Now that he is practically a stone's throw away from the UH campus, perhaps he might be induced  to give a colloquium to the department?)

    Step C: Third, we evolve through patience, contemplation, and insight a theory of groups which would allow exact transformations and correspondences between the various groups already defined. For instance, the contrastive features of Ethnicity and Kriya Yoga, or Kriya Yoga and Medicine, or Psychology and Huna Lore, would yield a theory of human operations. Such a theory would be maximally free and powerful.

(Note: The 100,000 couplets of Hindu scriptures called the Vedas do state such a pure theory of human operations, with a definite number of hierarchical levels, according to Sri Yukteswar, as given in Yogananda's account; another example of such a theory, in an entirely different format ("geometry") is given by Jane Roberts in her recent writings on Aspect Psychology: see, in particular, The Nature of Personal Reality and Psychic Politics in which she presents some materials to which she gained access through "non-ordinary states of consciousness"; these materials present a cumulative and comprehensive picture of the arena of human operations in terms of the generative source of Reality as Human Consciousness, and provides behavioral strategies in line with this picture, though non-systematically.)

    The Psychology of Knowledge is, in our view, the place where we ought to examine the reasons for the difficulties involved in constructing a general theory of human operations. In this task we must inquire into such queries as Why does some knowledge create an exclusionary attitude towards other knowledge, as we note in the antipathy psychology has for other systems of behavioral engineering.

HEXAGRAMMATIC MORPHOLOGY AS A UNIVERSAL BASIS FOR KNOWLEDGE

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One reaction to the growing presence of cyberspace is to see it as a threat to the traditional human value of social, face to face exchange. Glued to the screen, chained to the keyboard, alone at the workstation, the addicted hacker is the very picture of a lone individual enslaved by the machine. Yet this is a false appearance. Note the feverish pace of the hands typing. Nothing to be alarmed about, for it is the eagerness to communicate and the desire to be heard by another that activate those fingers. The fact is that when we use computers we are having an exchange with other humans, through the machine, not with the machine. The computer is not more mechanical than a letter we write to a loved one, a diary we dictate to a tape recorder, or the telephone through which we conduct a business transaction. There is an intimate social relationship between the software designers of a word processor and its users. The programmers had to anticipate our needs, wants, and desires when typing, and they have had to anticipate how we think in order to make the functions or capabilities visible to us. Online computer use through a network is even more obviously a social activity as it involves frequent e-mail exchanges or direct, synchronous chat groups. Since computers have become widespread, the level of communication between people has risen dramatically. Courses that use computers for online networking or other news and discussion groups generate a fantastic number and variety of exchanges on a scale never experienced before in human experience. In fact computers are convenient and powerful extensions of the human mind. Cyberspace is the virtual reality created through computers. Because of this, the form and characteristics of cyberspace are necessarily similar to and congruent with the mind. Every characteristic of the mind can be expected to show up as a property of cyberspace. Here are some examples.

CYBERSPACE AND MIND

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In this case the evolving physical hardware requirements is driven by the traffic density of virtual zones in the communal mind. The communal mind exists and grows in cyberspace. It does not belong to any person or group. Ownership is located in the hardware, the copyrighted software, or the intellectual property rights to textual and audiovisual creations. But these are not the communal mind. Consider virtual traffic patterns created by high interest in an activity, as indicated by hits or number of visitors on a Page, and by link popularity, which is indicated by the number of links to a Page that one can find on the Web as a whole. Pages that are "cited" by many other Pages through live links can be reached from a variety of locations. These cross-connections create identifiable patterns of interconnectivity. This interlinking is what creates the communal mind. It is not any one's legal property, and cannot be. No one owns virtual reality. It is free, like mind. The communal mind fosters virtual communities.

Hypertext links are navigation vehicles and roadways in cyberspace. Links are naturally occurring community activities having social properties and functions that need to be studied and uncovered by research. Some links function as transit stations placed there for travelers, visitors and searchers. If you type in a subject or name in a Web search engine window, and hit return, almost instantly you obtain a list of links relating to your desired object. These links have a transit function. Their sole purpose is to allow you to get somewhere else. It is common to find groups of links on a Page under the heading "Cool Links," "Hot Links," "New Links," "Favorite Links," and so on. They function as transit stations and gateways, greatly affecting traffic patterns. (For additional observations on types of links, you can consult another article on home page architecture.

Some links function as structural pointers to documents. In the print medium, we use footnotes, table of contents, citations, and indexes as structural pointers when one piece of a text is connected to another piece. A quotation, for instance, connects two pieces of text from different authors. Hypertext technology greatly facilitates the ease with which one can interconnect pieces of text. It goes beyond convenience and efficiency and allows the creation of new objects not possible with prior technologies. One example is the virtual book.

COMMUNAL  MIND, VIRTUAL COMMUNITY, AND HYPERTEXT NAVIGATION

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The act of clicking creates virtual reality, shapes it, makes it more dense, more visible, more accessible to self and others. A popular Web site is a spiritual beacon for netizens, visible around the globe, attracting children and adults, men and women, individuals and groups, communicating with them, bringing them together through the communal mind of shared information and activities, thus transcending demographic and ethnic identities. Clicking in hyperspace is equivalent to one's spiritual practice in daily life. This is because clicking is at once a moral, ethical, economic, and psychological act. (This document made it to someone's Web list of Worst Pages. I inquired from the owner why my article has merited his ire. He replied that it was because of my idea that clicking is a spirtual act. However he admitted that he had not read the entire article and was merely reacting to the surface idea.)

A rapidly growing market of the Internet software industry owes its success to the fact that clicking is a spiritual act. These programs allow information managers such as servers, teachers, and parents, to control the clicking acts of users. Some specialize in filtering out unsuitable sites so as to bar access to certain cyberspace zones and virtual activities and services. Other filtering programs are intended as guides and pathfinders to various specialized topics. The idea of controlling access to communal mind is quite familiar in education, law, and spiritual discipline. Teachers forbid swearing, county by-laws forbid obscenity, polite company forbids taboo topics. These social controlling mechanisms are motivated and justified by moral and spiritual considerations.

In my view, cyberpsychology and spiritual psychology are allied fields. They can share a methodology and facilitate each other's theories. Their connection is through mind.

You can check out some student pages on Spiritual Experiences here. Generation 5a students wrote two interesting reports on cyberpsychology and its relation to mind and spirituality -- check it out here. See also a Home Page on Cyber-Psychology maintained by Dr. John Suler, Professor of Psychology at Rider University, and the online articles by James Sempsey.

Cyberpsychology studies mind through virtual reality as it evolves on the net. Spiritual psychology studies mind through self-witnessing of one's thoughts and feelings on the daily round of activities. They overlap in their focus on interests and intentions. Clicking acts, under the influence of interests and intentions, create communal mind in virtual reality. This is cyberpsychology. Similarly, in spiritual psychology, self-witnessing of one's interests and intentions, creates the opportunity for moral self-assessment, for repentance and a change of heart, for a new direction in living and becoming.

CLICKING AS A SPIRITUAL ACT

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The shape of cyberspace is dependent on hypertext technology. The super-magical word here is "link." From the outside perspective, a link is a virtual teletransporter on your Page. Click on it, and in one or a few more seconds, you are inside someone else's cyberspace castle. You can't tell by the travel time how far you've gone. You can go from one of my Pages to a student Page that is physically located on the same computer. Or you can go to a Page in Paris or Moscow or Tokyo and it will take about the same amount of time. The time factor actually varies and depends not on distance, but on traffic density. If 200 students and 1000 visitors are all trying to look at the same Page at the same time, they will each experience a few seconds of delay while the computer is scrambling to serve each visitor's request to view something.

People's clicking choices determine traffic, and traffic determines the density or shape of cyberspace. If no one ever clicks a link on a Page, it becomes an un-link in the zone of virtual silence. A link always has a purpose or function. Some reason exists why each link is there. A link may exist because it leads to another section of a document or to a continuation Page. It thus have a sequencing function. Or a link may be there because it is a reciprocal link to another link ("I'll put a link to your Page if you put a link to my Page"). A link may allow you to complete a step in a circular route, or it may be the central link acting as a pivot to other links.

Similarly, Home Pages have a motivating force determined by the reason for its existence. There are three broad categories of Home Pages which relate to their intent. For example, a Home Page may be the landing point for a Site that contains hundreds of Home Pages and even hundreds of sites attached together to form a cyberspace village or compound. The Page that leads to all other Pages thus has an introductory function. Some Pages are put up for artistic or expressive reasons while others fulfill a topical or indexical function presenting categories or sub-directories of organized information. I have prepared the following taxonomy to show the various combinations of Home Pages and Links that I have observed on the Web in my observations during 1995.

1. term paper topics are chosen by the students from a cumulative generational list to which they also contribute suggestions for future students.
2. all assigned reports are written for future students as the target audience, not the instructor.
3. all reports are voluntarily donated to the generational curriculum archives which are kept in a designated area by the instructor.
4. each succeeding generation of students reads, uses, and maintains the archives through assigned and supervised activities.
5. two kinds of reports are required: those submitted as a team with multiple authors, and those written and produced by the student independently.
6. when reports are submitted as a joint effort, all authors receive equal credit for it (e.g., grade).
7. when a project was carried out as a team, each member is required to write it up separately, on their own.
8. all student reports are shared in the classroom with exercises specifically designed to elicit peer comment and evaluation.
9. student reports are never defined as complete, and can be improved or added to at any time throughout the semester (and even beyond, when they are no longer students).
10. students are given three choices at the end of the semester:
    
    • to leave their reports behind, as is (90% choose this)
    • to leave their reports but removing their name or editing them in some way
    • to take their reports with them.
11. students are coached to write only what they understand and believe in, so they can take full responsibility for intellectual content (any sentence they write that does not conform to this rule is labeled "plagiarism" unless placed in quotation marks with a citation).
12. weekly homework assignments insure the systematic processing of the generational curriculum archives by each generation; it is thus a major component of the course content.
13. assignments are made generationally cumulative to the extent possible, using the metaphor of "standing on the shoulders of the prior generation."
14. each new class of students is officially designated by its generational ID (G1, G2, ..., G5, etc.). Ceremonies, logos, group songs, nominations, awards, and group photos are some of the methods I use to create group dynamic forces of solidarity, identification, emulation, and competitive achievement orientation.
15. when possible, student reports are published or made available to larger audiences for use in science, education, or socializing (PLATO, the World Wide Web, and e-mail have all been very successful publication media in my experience)
16. oral communication exercises in class use the generational curriculum as content. Examples:
    
    • students pick a report in advance and give a brief (5 min.) presentation on its content, with their reaction or evaluation. Other students listen and are required to ask each speaker at least three questions.
    • students are arranged in teams and sub-group for a few minutes, preparing a team response on a topic from the generational archives. Each team member must speak. Listeners must ask questions.
    • whenever students present something formally, it is required that they introduce themselves out loud and clearly, using both first and last names.
17. members of every generation are expected to volunteer for maintenance activities that the generational curriculum requires, such as scanning in the work of pre-Internet generations, up dating links in hypertext, and creating orientation and "tour guides" for cybernaut visitors.
18. students are given the opportunity to do post-semester volunteer work such as being monitors in the computer lab, coaching other students, or maintenance work on the ever expanding generational virtual superdocument.
19. student work is expected to be scholarly, scientific, or service oriented in intent, rather then merely personal. For example, when studying the psychology of dialog they use scientific methods to analyze a transcript of their own conversations on the daily round. To see sample instructions they follow, click here. For example, they create and manage Web generational databases which collect data or "contributions" from visitors. Students thus learn how to "market" or advertise their Home Pages using e-mail announcements, registering with search engines, participating in listserv newsgroups, and so on.

GENERATIONAL CURRICULUM PRINCIPLES FOR ONLINE ASSIGNMENTS

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Instructional Philosophy: :  I have been calling this approach "The Generational Curriculum" [2] [3] [4] [5] because it has these two components. First, there is the creation of a social learning community through the metaphor of "generations." Each semester a new crop of students start from scratch in terms of the target skills that are presented by the instructor in a generational context. They look back on the finished work of prior generations and see their own work as serving the future generations. Second, the generational reports of all prior students are read, processed, and augmented by each succeeding generation. Thus a significant portion of the student's work and grade come from these "generational curriculum" activities.

Teaching Methodology: : The Fall 1997 Semester marked the Fifth Generation of the Online Generational Curriculum in two Internet-integrated courses I teach every semester: Cyber-Psychology and Traffic Psychology. Students are computer novices and unfamiliar with the Internet. On day 1 they find out what is expected of them and they are given weekly exercises designed to help them acquire basic skills such as using a Web browser and search engine, learning basic HTML code, using UNIX commands, uploading/downloading, and Home Page architecture. Half of each class is devoted to group discussions and lectures, and half to lab sessions where each student sits next to an online workstation. At the end of 16 weeks all students who did not quit by midterm (about 80%) are successful in this pragmatic respect: each student leaves behind a self-produced generational Web site containing various assigned reports and integrated by hyperlink to specific content in the reports of prior generations.

The earlier "print" generations of the 1970s and 1980s are slowly being scanned in and made available to the new generations. At this point (Spring 1997) the Online Generational Curriculum is a hypertext superdocument of about 160 megabytes composed of linked reports and commentaries involving hundreds of students, 11,000 multimedia files, and innumerable paragraph-to-paragraph links that leave an intellectual trail rich in meaning and value in several areas-- educational, scientific, community, and personal. The site may be visited at this URL: http://www.soc.hawaii.edu/leonj/leonj/leonpsy/gc/generations.html

There is no theoretical limit to the generations, though I expect to run into new kinds of technical problems as the generational super-document grows into the gigabyte size. In terms of cultural and instructional resources, the longer a particular online generational project goes on, the richer is its content and the educational opportunities it can provide. I believe that the approach can be replicated in all subject fields in any online learning setting, equally suitable for college, high school, or elementary school. Other institutional settings that may benefit from an online generational approach include social clubs, work teams, and correctional retraining facilities. The rationale for this expectation is fully outlined below.

HISTORY, PHILOSPHY, AND METHODOLOGY OF COMMUNITY CLASSROOM

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While this is a continuous process that will go on and on, phase 2 will start at some point and will overlap with phase 1. As learners become literate in their chosen field (phase 1), they need to learn how to continue learning (phase 2) by becoming self-directed autonomous learners. The online community-classroom approach provides the mechanism of generational modeling through which members can more easily become self-directed autonomous learners. Modeling (phase 2) is a more internal control phase than identification (phase 1) because it requires interactive involvement. One can identify with a performer through being a passive audience and thus become familiar with a cultural milieu. But modeling requires an active participation and social fabrication so that more inward elements of the learner are engaged.

Even as learners are still active in phases 1 and 2, they also begin a more interior involvement as innovators and leaders of their learning community (phase 3). This requires going beyond identification, beyond modeling, and on to generational loyalty. The motive to be an innovator (affective skills) depends on the desire to strengthen one's ties to the target community (affective skills). Phase 3 of learning and adapting to the Internet depended on learners' willingness to continue learning until they are able to see a personal use. This new context makes the effort of learning the Internet ultimately worthwhile. Personalizing, contextualizing, and feeling loyalty are the deepest, highest and most central control activities in becoming an expert at something.

The online community-classroom context thus provides the generational curriculum approach with social facilitators for learners. Identifying (phase 1), modeling (phase 2) and showing loyalty (phase 3) are three types of activities that go on more or less simultaneously as the novice is transformed into an expert. Appendix 1 and Tables 1 and 2 specify the instructional objectives in the three domains for each phase (9 zones). The affective internalization process starts with identifying with successful peers, which improves self-efficacy expectations, thus allowing them to overcome technophobia and resistance (phase 1 affective skills). As this becomes stabilized, learners begin modeling and can acquire the motive of sustained effort and project completion (phase 2 affective skills). Finally, learners develop loyalty and become motivated to be inventive and innovative (phase 3 affective skills).

GENERATIONAL IDENTIFICATION, MODELING, LOYALTY, AND AFFECTIVE INTERNALIZATION

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Principle 1. Mining Hypertext as a Learning Resource
Principle 2. Creating Community-Building Forces Among Learners

(a) Intentionality
(b) Generational
(c) Organicity

Principle 3. Maintaining a Focus on Learning Skills

(a) Information Literacy Skills
(b) Scientific and Scholarly Skills
(c) Leadership and Citizenship Skills

4. Students as a Cyberspace Learning Community
Principle 5. Creating Ethnographic Instructions

EDUCATIONAL PRINCIPLES OF ONLINE GENERATIONAL COMMUNITY CLASSROOM

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1. The generational curriculum allows students access to the ideas and discoveries of other students, across time and geographical location

2. It encourages students to learn and adopt professional standards in writing since they are writing for an actual audience

3. The topics students write about are also of interest to the general public and can be informative to people on the Web who use a search engine to look for certain topics covered by the students' work

4. Students become information and computer literate as a by-product of their online work assignments

5. The virtual super-document produced and grown by successive generations of students is a unique cultural resource suitable for historical and ethnographic research

6. Students are experiencing difficulty learning new computer skills but at the same time they see themsleves as contributing to a totality that is bigger than themselves. They see themselves creating something valuable for the use of others, something which will survive them

7. All past students can go on the Web wherever they are and see how their work was interpreted and processed by subsequent students. This is revealing and delightful to them.

An entry point to all generational student reports

BENEFITS OF ONLINE COMMUNITY CLASSROOM

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As far as I know, I am the first to make use of a course-integrated electronic bulletin board in a college course. This approach allows college professors to address the needs of the whole student, including academic, personal, social, and emotional. In this view, a successful college education will include the following components: (1) developing academic and information literacy competencies; (2) having rewarding relationships and acquiring a sense of self-esteem; (3) being assisted in improving one's lifestyle and evolving an integrated philosophy of life; (4) receiving guidance in choosing a career. The electronic messaging component in courses answers to the affective needs of the whole student. Students establish multiple electronic relationships in which they share the expression of attitudes and feelings. Students see themselves from a generational perspective. This communication component serves to legitimate their feelings. From strangers, they are transformed into a community of generational peers who can provide objective feedback on themselves, their emotions, doubts, and wants.

Over the years I have made interesting discoveries in attempting to manage these five course-integrated bulletin boards. For instance, students prefer to have a secret "persona" name to sign on with, instead of their real name (star bright, wonderwoman, thanatos, bam bam, hey good looking, tiger eyes, etc.). They keep their persona secret until the end of the semester during which a party is held and identities are confessed. Throughout the semester there is an active social dynamic going on, facilitated by the secrecy or anonymity. This is an intriguing aspect of the bulletin board activity that I am continuing to investigate. Another feature that interests me is how I can use the electronic exchanges to expand or deepen my instructional relationship with the students. Given the appearance of anonymity, students are greatly emboldened to express themselves (often in explicit terms) on course requirements, policy, quizzes, topics. Each semester I receive hundreds of notes from students and to which I respond on the bulletin board. Most of these would not occur face to face in the classroom or in the office. As I respond to one student, I am always aware that the other students are reading over our shoulders, and so it becomes an opportunity to legitimate and justify decisions and principles. In the give and take of the complaint/resolution process, students and the professor become more real to one another.

THE AFFECTIVE DIMENSION IN ONLINE EDUCATION

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I also like to share myself professionally so that students, through my Home Page, have access to my Curriculum Vitae, a list of all my publications and the full text of several of my pre-publication drafts. I also share with them my Lynx bookmark file, which allows them to visit my favorite places on the Internet. On my Home Page students will also find links to get to our official Psychology Department files and the College of Social Sciences files where many individual departments put up their Home Pages.

In my Home Page, which students visit several times a week, I continually add links to various places of interest, such as student organizations, other departments and colleagues around the world, conferences, discussion groups, and all sorts of documents I find as I roam around the Web World. This week, I discovered by browsing the CSS Web server, that Professor Chadwick in International Relations also has a Home Page for his students. In two minutes I created a link to his page, and now the two student communities are linked for intellectual exchanges across the two courses (perhaps to the surprise of Professor Chadwick when he discovers of the existence of the link!). With equal facility and ease, using the information superhighway, I could create links to other course communities anywhere in the world. The age of the global virtual university is now upon us! (See Home Page Architecture ideas.)

SOCIO EDUCATIONAL USE OF THE INFORMATION SUPERHIGHWAY

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Since the recent advent of electronically linked multimedia hypertext on the World Wide Web, the creation of knowledge through interlinking ideas or information has taken on new significance for culture, education, and commerce. It is now instructionally feasible as a routine activity to build learning communities in an academic setting. Course-integrated use of the Internet opens up new educational possibilities. Students can now produce Web documents with hotlinks to other students and to whatever the instructor's assignments direct them. The electronic hypertext environment, accessed through the information superhighway, provides the medium in which students can practice authorship, critical analysis, and social development through community integration.

A critical factor in the success of a cyberspace learning community is the ability of the instructor to create community-building forces within the class. A group of people who are given a joint task to accomplish can find motivation in group solidarity or competitiveness. Because few can accomplish complex tasks on their own, a socially organized framework of mutual assistance needs to be put in place so that no one is left behind in failure and embarrassment. A visible communal product to which all contribute, and with which all can identify, needs to be developed and perceived as the outcome of their labor and effort. In short, the cybercommunity created within an academic context needs to be real, believable, and authentic. To the extent that it has these properties, to that extent the virtual learning community [6]will be effective. The educational experiment described here will be examined to see how these community-building forces were built up to maintain effective cybersocialization practices, and what instructional management mechanisms need to be maintained in order to foster the growth of a cyberspace learning community.

EDUCATIONAL MINING OF HYPERTEXT AS A LEARNING AND CULTURAL RESOURCE

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CREATING THE GENERATIONAL VIRTUAL SUPERDOCUMENT

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In addition to contextualizing, learners need to personalize the Internet, which can happen when they feel attracted or enthusiastic. Users who have personalized Internet show this by impatiently and excitedly checking their new e-mail, and by talking about their favorite bookmarks or places to visit or newsgroup to lurk in. Users personalize Internet when they react to content by expressing agreement, disagreement, shock, surprise, or any other 'flame' response. Personalization of Internet also occurs when sessions become regular in one's schedule. Once contextualized and personalized, Internet becomes an accepted part of society along with libraries, television, or the post office. Lifelong Internet use is thus assured.

THREE PHASES OF ADAPTING TO INTERNET USE

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AFFECTIVE AND COGNITIVE PROCESSES WHILE LEARNING THE INTERNET

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TRAFFIC PSYCHOLOGY AT THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII

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The Social Psychology of Driving
The Nine Zones of Your Driving Personality
Self-Witnessing Behind the Wheel
Congressional Testimony on Aggressive Drivers
An Overview of Road Rage--by Dr. Driving
Topics in Driving Informatics 

DrDriving ARTICLES

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Modern psychology is thoroughly behavioristic. It sidesteps the dualism issue by defining all human capacities as behavior. Since perceiving, thinking, and willing or feeling are recognized human capacities, they are defined as behavior. Thus, to perceive a light, or to fail to perceive it, is a behavior. Similarly, to make a decision after analyzing a situation, is a behavior. As well, to feel angry in an incident and desire revenge, is a behavior. When we consider the behavior of individuals engaged in a group activity, we can qualify the area of behavior by reference to the group activity. Thus we have specialized interests such as food behavior, smoking behavior, crime behavior, sexual behavior, and of course, driving behavior.

Since ancient times there has been agreement among philosophers that human capacities are organized into three distinct groups corresponding to the threefold human nature: the will, the understanding, and the actions of an individual. Modern psychologists also function within this threefold system of behavior. What pertains to the behavior of the will is called affective behavior and includes affections, feelings, motives, needs and everything that pertains to the goal-directedness of people's actions. For example, signalling before changing lanes is embedded in an affective context: the driver maintains the motive of avoiding driving errors. In the absence of this motive, errors are committed and the driver fails to signal. Learning to maintain the motive of avoiding driving errors is an important affective driving skill. Frequently, affective driving errors occur when conflict between motives is experienced, as when a driver is in a hurry and speeds: the feeling of wanting to be cautious and law abiding is weakened by the feeling of urge to hurry and not be too late. The theory of driving behavior must include the capacity to explain the content and organization of affective driving skills and errors.

THE THREE DOMAINS OF DRIVING BEHAVIOR

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negative mental rituals

• the comic book driving persona
• experiencing violent feelings and rage
• participating in the CAR RACING METAPHOR
• experiencing all sorts of negative emotions and substituting for these

positive mental rituals

• the noble driving persona
• the facilitative driving style
• experiencing community-building forces through traffic behavior
• being a traffic psychologist
• and so on

Self-witnessing produces NEW MENTAL FORMS -- new rituals, new ideas, new sentiments -- which facilitate their spread throughout society through MORPHIC RESONSANCE (interiorly) and through MODELING (externally).

Note: The expression "morphic resonsance" comes from Rupert Sheldrake's postmodern proposal that new mental forms and patterns exist outside time and space and relate to each other by similarity of form. The more people re-create a particular new form, the easier it is for others to acquire it.

Every driver goes through the experience of getting habituated to the driving environment. New drivers have to concentrate hard on their driving. They are tense and often bewildered by the onrush of stimuli in traffic. If you ride with them, you notice that they frequently have to interrupt their conversation to take care of an ongoing incident such as switching lanes or making a left turn. After some weeks or months, most of us have learned to automatize our driving actions. Almost thoughtlessly we can execute complex maneuvers, weaving across lanes, turning signals on and off, making turns, passing, and so on. Meanwhile we continue the conversation uninterrupted, and there is hardly any evidence that our mind is engaged in the business of driving. We've reached the automated stage of driving.

Driving is one of the most complex tasks that ordinary American citizens are called upon to perform on a routine basis How good are we at it? There are approximately 3 million miles of highways in the nation. Every year a little over 3 million accidents are reported nationwide, which result in over 50,000 deaths and hundreds of thousands of serious injuries. This works out to be about one serious accident per year for every mile of highway pavement. Is this a reasonable record or not? It's difficult to say since there are no control data. Since there are over 100 million licensed drivers in our country, and if each driver on the average travels 10,000 miles a year, then Americans drive about 1 trillion miles every year, or one thousand billion miles. This works out to only one accident for every 300,000 miles driven. This sounds pretty good. However, from an absolute perspective, it does seem that over 3 million accidents every year, and 52,000 deaths, is indeed a frightful human carnage and national tragedy that we should try to improve on if at all possible.

Does the automated driving phenomenon contribute to our driving performance? On the one hand, the automatization of our driving habits not only saves us from stress and interrupted conversations, but also makes us safer drivers. If we stay relaxed behind the wheel and our mind is properly alert, we can rely on the body to do most of the routine decisions and acts in driving. A commentator of the national driving pattern recently characterized the American driver as "the two-second driver." He was referring to the general habit of following one another on crowded highways at such a close distance that we have two seconds at the most to avert catastrophy up ahead of us. A dramatic symptom of this highway density is the horendous pile up phenomenon that occurs when 20, 30, or even 100 cars get involved in a single mass crash. Another less dramatic but much more frequent symptom is the driving stress we experience on a daily basis as we repeatedly slam on our brakes to avoid crashing into the car ahead of us, or watch with horror in our rear view mirror the car behind us screeching to a halt a few inches behind us. It must surely be one of the great miracles of our time that, week after week, the majority of us escape unscathed from this daily ordeal.

THE AUTOMATIZATION OF DRIVING BEHAVIOR:  SELF-WITNESSING OF ONE'S MENTAL RITUALS,

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Classified Inventory of Psychological Aspects of Driving Behavior Definition of the 18 Categories

The numbering scheme in the taxonomy follows this pattern

TAXONOMY OF DRIVING BEHAVIOR

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